FEUD - VINCENT CHAMUSSY
Les mots feud, feuding prêtent à ambiguïté et n'ont pas de traduction unique dans la langue française, si bien qu’il est logique que certains les incluent dans la guerre et d’autres non:
Selon le dictionnaire Harraps : feud = querelle, conflit; (blood feud= vendetta),
Selon Ferguson (1984): feud= conflict within unit.
Otterbein (1994), le grand spécialiste du feud le définit dans l’Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology (1986) de la façon suivante : " blood revenge following homicide", le "prix du sang" différent de warfare, qui est défini précisément comme "un combat armé entre des communautés politiques différentes". Toujours suivant Otterbein, dans le feud il y a 2 éléments: au départ un homicide provoqué par un membre d’un groupe de parenté distincte et le meurtre en retour pour réparer une injustice, deuxièmement 3 meurtres ou plus apparaissent nécessaires pour compenser ce meurtre. Le feud se pratique à l'intérieur du groupe linguistique ou de l'unité politique quand elle existe.
Selon Carneiro (1994: 6) "Feuding is fighting in pursuit of individual and family ends rather than community or societal ones"
Selon Reyna (1994 : 38-39), le feud est une situation de violence réciproque lorsqu’une rancune précipite des représailles, qui a leur tour provoquent un autre rancune qui, à son tour, provoque de nouvelles représailles, etc…les feuds sont issus des rancunes les plus fortes- celles provoquées par l’homicide ou le vol de femmes….les feuds provoquent non pas des batailles, mais des raidsSelon Kelly (2000) : feud =act of blood revenge, qui par 'ailleurs l’inclut dans la guerre. L'auteur pense que feud et war peuvent être deux stades dans un continuum du conflit. Selon Spencer (1896) on peut parler de "feud" quand le principe de "dette de sang" entre groupes est la réponse attendue à un homicide. En principe, le feud est éteint avec le paiement de cette dette, mais si la dette n'est pas considérée comme éteinte, le feud peut s'éterniser.
Selon le Social Science Encyclopedia : article ‘War’, ‘Primitive’ rédigé par Silitoe (1985):
· Feud peut être défini 'a minimum' comme une relation agressive sans fin entre deux groupes, et dont le début qui remonte à des générations, peut être oublié (c'est ce que nous appelons la vendetta). La revanche est la force qui fait durer indéfiniment ces hostilités. Mais Otterbein 1996 voit là la différence entre " feud" qui disparaît après que le criminel ait été châtié et vendetta qui dure éternellement.
· La guerre est un état d'hostilité qui peut être arrangé pacifiquement à n'importe quel stade. Une guerre est toujours faite pour des motifs politiques, même si les motifs politiques dans une société sans État sont plus cachés; en vérité la revanche à pour but de ne pas laisser impuni un meurtre ou un crime qui donnerait du pouvoir à celui qui l'a commis et romprait ainsi l'ordre égalitariste qui caractérise ces sociétés. Mais tout ceci se passe entre personnes proches et la guerre risque de mettre en cause l'ordre établi; aussi très vite une médiation sera trouvée pour mettre fin à l'état de guerre, c'est pourquoi la guerre est peu fréquente dans les sociétés primitives .
Il faut rappeler enfin le sens du vieux mot français 'faide' qui était dans les sociétés germaniques du Haut Moyen Âge (Francs, Burgondes, Lombards, etc.) un système de vengeance opposant deux groupes familiaux ou lignages.
Bibliographie
CARNEIRO, Robert C., 1994, War and Peace: Alternning Realities in Human Histoiry. In Studying War, Anthropological Perpesctives, S.P. Reyna et R.E. Down (eds.), War and Society vol. 2
FERGUSON, Robert Brian,1984, Introduction: Studying war. In Warfare, Culture, and Environment, R. Ferguson (ed.): 1-82, Orlando, Fla: Academic Press
KELLY, Raymond L. 2000, Warless societies and the Origin of War, University of Michigan Press, ( Ann Harbor)
OTTERBEIN, Keith, 1994, Feuding and Warfare; selected works if Keith Otterbein; Langhorne, Pa: Gordon and Breach
OTTERBEIN Keith F., 1996 , article “ Feuding” In Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, Daniel Levinson and Melvin Ember ( eds) vol. 2 : 493-496
REYNA, S.P. 1994, a Mode of Domination Approach to Organized Violence. In Studying War, Anthropological Perspectives, S.P. Reyna et R.E. Down (eds.) War and Society vol. 2
SPENCER, Herbert 1896, The principles of Sociology,Vol I, New York, Appleton
SILLITOE, Paul, 1985, article War, Primitive. In The Social Science Encyclopedia, ed. By Adam Kuper and Jessica Kuper, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, Boston and Heley: 890-91
Posted by Numa terra lá distante at 13:00 0 comments Links to this post
Labels: Chamussy - Vincent, Feud
O feud, vingança de sangue ou Vendetta
por Luis Lobato de Faria
"The term feud is etymological derived from old hight german fehida, meaning enmity" Winthrop (1991) apud Dennen (1995, p. 81).
Segundo Otterbein (1997, p. 133-146) o feud define-se como: "…Combate armado dentro de uma comunidade política em que se vinga o homicídio de um parente matando o assassino ou algum dos seus parentes…".
No feud um assunto, que começa por ser particular ou familiar, torna-se um problema de toda uma comunidade ligada por parentesco, é caracterizado pela tentativa de conseguir vingança ou compensação pelo assassínio de um parente, por vezes é possível substituir a morte do adversário por uma compensação (Harris, 2004, p. 420-421).
Para Otterbein (1997, p. 133-146) o feud envolve combates prolongados e intermitentes, um combate isolado ou uma morte não se qualificam enquanto tal. Os combates são muito rituais e quando danos são infligidos as hostilidades param para se avaliar a situação. As comunidades envolvidas não cortam relações e continua a existir uma ponte de diálogo que permite a resolução do problema. Na maior parte dos feud as mulheres, crianças e velhos são poupados, o alvo é alguém que cometeu a ofensa. Segundo o mesmo autor noutras situações as retaliações continuam e as partes intervenientes acabam por esquecer as razões pelas quais o conflito começou.
As vendettas nas famílias italianas parecem-me um bom exemplo deste olho por olho. Os feud envolvem todos os níveis de violência interpessoal, podem ter a forma de raids e chegam mesmo batalhas campais, portanto facilmente evoluem para uma forma de guerra primitiva.
É difícil distinguir o feud da guerra primitiva, o primeiro observa mais regras e limites na violência empregue (Dennen, 1995, p. 87).
Segundo Keeley (1997, p.29): "Thus armed conflict between social unit … often is just terminologically disguised as feuding or homicide.". Para este autor conflitos com fatalidades que ocorrem entre bandos são definidos como feud, estes bandos apresentam assim elevados níveis de homicídio mas não apresentam frequências que indiquem a existência de guerra na sua sociedade, o feud aqui pode camuflar a guerra em sociedades primitivas.
Para Otterbein (2004, p. 18), os grupos fraternos têm mais frequência de feud, no estado o feud é suprimido.
O feud pode então ser visto como uma forma de justiça que substitui nas sociedades não estatais o sistema judicial das sociedades estatais (Dennen, 1995, p. 84).
Referências:
DENNEN, John Matheus Gerardus van der (1995) – The Origin of War: The Evolution of a Male Coalitional Reproductive Strategy. Groningen: Origin Press.
HARRIS, Marvin (2004) – Introducción a la Antropologia general. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. 7.ª Edición.
KEELEY, Lawrence (1997) - War before civilization: The myth of thepeaceful savage. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
OTTERBEIN, Keith F. (2004) – How war began. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.
Posted by Numa terra lá distante at 12:05 0 comments Links to this post
Labels: Feud, Lobato de Faria - Luis
Resposta a Vincent Chamussy
Feud
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.Feud
For other uses, see Feud (disambiguation).
"Avenger of blood" redirects here. For the biblical and Jewish concepts, see Goel.
Look up feud in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
A feud (pronounced /ˈfjuːd/) (referred to in more extreme cases as a blood feud or vendetta or faida) is a long-running argument or fight between parties—often, through association fallacy, groups of people, especially families or clans. Feuds begin because one party (correctly or incorrectly) perceives itself to have been attacked, insulted or wronged by another. Intense feelings of resentment trigger the initial revenge, which causes the other party to feel equally aggrieved and vengeful. The dispute is subsequently fuelled by a long-running cycle of retaliatory violence. This continual cycle of provocation and retaliation makes it extremely difficult to end the feud peacefully. Feuds frequently involve the original parties' family members and/or associates, can last for generations and may result in extreme acts of violence.
Until the early modern period, feuds were considered legitimate legal instruments and were regulated to some degree. Once modern centralizing states asserted and enforced a monopoly on legitimate use of force, feuds became illegal and the concept acquired its current negative connotation.
Contents
1 Blood feuds/vendetta
1.1 Vendetta History
1.2 Vendetta in modern times
1.2.1 Philippines
1.2.1.1 Causes
1.2.1.2 Statistics
1.2.1.3 Resolution
2 Famous blood feuds
2.1 Fictional blood feuds
2.2 Wrestling feuds
2.3 Football rivalries
3 See also
4 Notes
5 Further reading
6 External links
Blood feuds/vendetta
A blood feud is a feud with a cycle of retaliatory violence, with the relatives of someone who has been killed or otherwise wronged or dishonored seeking vengeance by killing or otherwise physically punishing the culprits or their relatives. Historically, the word vendetta has been used to mean a blood feud. The word is Italian, and originates from the Latin vindicta (vengeance). In modern times, the word is sometimes extended to mean any other long-standing feud, not necessarily involving bloodshed.
Vendetta History
Originally, a vendetta was a blood feud between two families where kinsmen of the victim intended to avenge his or her death by killing either those responsible for the killing or some of their relatives. The responsibility to maintain the vendetta usually falls on the closest male relative to whoever has been killed or wronged, but other members of the family may take the mantle as well. If the culprit had disappeared or was already dead, the vengeance could extend to other relatives.
Vendetta is typical of societies with a weak rule of law (or where the state doesn't consider itself responsible for mediating this kind of dispute) where family and kinship ties are the main source of authority. An entire family is considered responsible for whatever one of them has done. Sometimes even two separate branches of the same family could come to blows over some matter.
The practice has mostly disappeared with more centralized, rationalistic societies where law enforcement and criminal law take responsibility of punishing lawbreakers.
In ancient Homeric Greece, the practice of personal vengeance against wrongdoers was considered natural and customary: "Embedded in the Greek morality of retaliation is the right of vendetta . . . Vendetta is a war, just as war is an indefinite series of vendettas; and such acts of vengeance are sanctioned by the gods".[1]
In the ancient tribal Hebraic context, it was considered the duty of the individual and family to avenge evil on behalf of God. The executor of the law of blood-revenge who personally put the initial aggressive killer to death was given a special designation: go'el haddam, the blood-avenger or blood-redeemer (Num. 35: 19, etc.). Six cities of refuge were established to provide a "cooling off" phase as well as due process for the accused. As the Oxford Companion to the Bible states: "Since life was viewed as sacred (Gen. 9.6), no amount of blood money could be given as recompense for the loss of the life of an innocent person; it had to be 'life for life'" (Exod. 21.23; Deut. 19.21)".[2]
The Middle Ages, from beginning to end, and particularly the feudal era, lived under the sign of private vengeance. The onus, of course, lay above all on the wronged individual; vengeance was imposed on him as the most sacred of duties ... The solitary individual, however, could do but little. Moreover, it was most commonly a death that had to be avenged. In this case the family group went into action and the faide (feud) came into being, to use the old Germanic word which spread little by little through the whole of Europe--'the vengeance of the kinsmen which we call faida', as a German canonist expressed it. No moral obligation seemed more sacred than this ... The whole kindred, therefore, placed as a rule under the command of a chieftain, took up arms to punish the murder of one of its members or merely a wrong that he had suffered.
—Marc Bloch, trans. L. A. Manyon, Feudal Society, Vol. I, 1965, p. 125-126
The Celtic phenomenon of the blood feud demanded "an eye for an eye," and usually descended into murder. Disagreements between clans might last for generations in Scotland and Ireland. Due to the Celtic heritage of many whites living in Appalachia, a series of prolonged violent engagements in late- nineteenth-century Kentucky and West Virginia were referred to commonly as feuds, a tendency that was partly due to the nineteenth-century popularity of William Shakespeare and Sir Walter Scott, both of whom wrote semihistorical accounts of blood feuds. These incidents, the most famous of which was the Hatfield-McCoy feud, were regularly featured in the newspapers of the eastern U.S. between the Reconstruction era and the early twentieth century, are are seen by some as linked to a Southern culture of honor with its roots in the Scot-Irish forebears of the residents of the area.[3]
Chariot racing in the Byzantine Empire also included the racing clubs. The Blues and the Greens were more than simply sports teams. They gained influence in military, political,[4] and theological matters. The Blue-Green rivalry often erupted into gang warfare, and street violence had been on the rise in the reign of Justin I. Riots culminated in the Nika riots of 532 AD during the reign of Justinian I, with nearly half the city being burned or destroyed and tens of thousands of people killed.[5]
In Japan's feudal past the Samurai class upheld the honor of their family, clan, or their lord by katakiuchi (敵討ち), or revenge killings. These killings could also involve the relatives of an offender. While some vendettas were punished by the government, such as that of the 47 Ronin, others were given official permission with specific targets.
At the Holy Roman Empire's Reichstag at Worms in 1495 the right of waging feuds was abolished. The Imperial Reform proclaimed an "eternal public peace" (Ewiger Landfriede) to put an end to the abounding feuds and the anarchy of the robber barons and it defined a new standing imperial army to enforce that peace. However, it took a few more decades until the new regulation was universally accepted.[6] In 1506, for example, knight Jan Kopidlansky killed somebody in Prague and the Town Councillors sentenced him to death and had him executed. Brother Jiri Kopidlansky revenged himself by continuing atrocities.[7]
More than a third of the Ya̧nomamö males, on average, died from warfare. The accounts of missionaries to the area have recounted constant infighting in the tribes for women or prestige, and evidence of continuous warfare for the enslavement of neighboring tribes such as the Macu before the arrival of European settlers and government.[8]
The Clan Gordon was at one point one of the most powerful clans in middle Scotland. Clan feuds and battles were frequent, especially with the Clan Cameron, Clan Murray, Clan Forbes, and the Chattan Confederation.
In Corsica, vendetta was a social code that required Corsicans to kill anyone who wronged the family honor. It has been estimated that between 1683 and 1715, nearly 30,000 out of 120,000 Corsicans lost their lives to vendetta.[9]
Throughout history, the Maniots—one of Greece's toughest populations—have been known by their neighbors and their enemies as fearless warriors who practice blood feuds. Some vendettas went on for months and sometimes years. The families involved would lock themselves in their towers and when they got the chance would murder members of the opposing family.[10]
The Basque Country in the Late Middle Ages was ravaged by bitter partisan wars between local ruling families. In Navarre, these conflicts became polarised in a violent struggle between the Agramont and Beaumont parties. In Biscay, the two major warring factions were named Oinaz and Gamboa. (Cf. the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Italy). High defensive structures ("towers") built by local noble families, few of which survive today, were frequently razed by fires, sometimes by royal decree.
Leontiy Lyulye, an expert on conditions in the Caucasus, wrote in the mid-19th century: "Among the mountain people the blood feud is not an uncontrollable permanent feeling such as the vendetta is among the Corsicans. It is more like an obligation imposed by the public opinion." In the Dagestani aul Kadar, one such blood feud between two antagonistic clans lasted for nearly 260 years, from the 17th century till the 1860s.[11]
An alternative to feud was blood money (or weregild in the Norse culture), which demanded payment of some kind from those responsible for a wrongful death (even an accidental one). If these payments were not made or were refused by the offended party, a blood feud would ensue.
Vendetta in modern times
Vendetta is reputedly still practiced in some areas in France (especially Corsica), Italy (especially Sicily, Sardinia, Campania, Calabria, Apulia) and Croatia (especially Dalmatia) and other areas of Southern Italy),[12] in Mani and Crete (Greece), among Kurdish clans in Iraq and Turkey,[13][14][15] in northern Albania, among Pashtuns in Afghanistan [16], among Somali clans,[17] among the Berbers of Algeria,[18] over land in Nigeria,[19] in India (a caste-related feuds among rival Hindu groups)[20][21], between rival tribes in the north-east Indian state of Assam,[22] among rival clans in China[23] and Philippines,[24] among the Arab Bedouins and Arab tribes inhabiting the mountains of Yemen and between Shiites and Sunnis in Iraq,[25] in southern Ethiopia,[26][27] among the highland tribes of New Guinea,[28] in Svaneti, in the mountainous areas of Dagestan, many northern areas of Georgia and Azerbaijan, a number of republics of the northern Caucasus and essentially among Chechen teips where those seeking retribution do not accept or respect the local law enforcement authority. Vendettas are generally abetted by a perceived or actual indifference on the part of local law enforcement.
In Albania, the blood feud has returned in rural areas after more than 40 years of being abolished by Albanian communists led by Enver Hoxha. More than 5,500 Albanian families are currently engaged in blood feuds. There are now more than 20,000 men and boys who live under an ever-present death sentence because of blood feuds. Since 1992, at least 10,000 Albanians have been killed due to blood feuds.[30]
Mutual vendetta may develop into a vicious circle of further killings, retaliation, counterattacks, and all-out warfare that can end in the mutual extinction of both families. Often the original cause is forgotten, and feuds continue simply because it is perceived that there has always been a feud.
There is a scene in The Godfather, in which Michael Corleone, hiding from U.S. police in Sicily, walks through a village with his two bodyguards. Michael asks, "Where are all the men?" The bodyguard replies, "They're all dead from vendettas."
Some of the gang wars between organized crime groups are effectively forms of vendetta, where the criminal organization (like the Mafia "family") has taken the place of blood relatives.[31]
Philippines
Family and clan feuds, known locally as rido, are characterized by sporadic outbursts of retaliatory violence between families and kinship groups, as well as between communities. It can occur in areas where the government or a central authority is weak as well as in areas where there is a perceived lack of justice and security. Rido is a Maranao term commonly used in Mindanao to refer to clan feuds. It is considered one of the major problems in Mindanao because apart from numerous casualties, rido has caused destruction of property, crippled the local economy, and displaced families.
Located in the southern Philippines, Mindanao is home to a majority of the country’s Muslim community and includes the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Mindanao is a region suffering from poor infrastructure, high poverty rates, and violence that has claimed the lives of more than 120,000 people in the last three decades. There is a widely held stereotype that the violence is perpetrated by armed groups that resort to terrorism to further their political goals, but the actual situation is far more complex. While the Muslim-Christian conflict and the state-rebel conflicts dominate popular perceptions and media attention, a survey commissioned by The Asia Foundation in 2002 and further verified by a recent Social Weather Stations survey revealed that citizens are more concerned about the prevalence of rido and its negative impact on their communities than the conflict between the state and rebel groups. The unfortunate interaction and subsequent confusion of rido-based violence with secessionism, communist insurgency, banditry, military involvement and other forms of armed violence shows that violence in Mindanao is more complicated than what is commonly believed.
Rido has wider implications for conflict in Mindanao primarily because it tends to interact in unfortunate ways with separatist conflict and other forms of armed violence. Many armed confrontations in the past involving insurgent groups and the military were triggered by a local rido. The studies cited below investigated the dynamics of rido with the intention of helping design strategic interventions to address such conflicts.
Causes
The causes of rido are varied and may be further complicated by a society’s concept of honor and shame, an integral aspect of the social rules that determine accepted practices in the affected communities. The trigger of conflicts range from petty offenses, such as theft and jesting, to more serious crimes, like homicide. These are further aggravated by land disputes and political rivalries, the most common causes of rido. Proliferation of firearms, lack of law enforcement and credible mediators in conflict-prone areas, and an inefficient justice system further contribute to instances of rido.
Statistics
Studies on rido have documented a total of 1,266 rido cases between the 1930s and 2005, which have killed over 5,500 people and displaced thousands. The four provinces with the highest numbers of rido incidences are: Lanao del Sur (377), Maguindanao (218), Lanao del Norte (164), and Sulu (145). Incidences in these four provinces account for 71% of the total documented cases. The findings also show a steady rise in rido conflicts in the eleven provinces surveyed from the 1980s to 2004. According to the studies, during 2002-2004, 50% (637 cases) of total rido incidences occurred, equaling about 127 new rido cases per year. Out of the total number of rido cases documented, 64% remain unresolved.[32]
Resolution
Rido conflicts are either resolved, unresolved, or reoccur. Although the majority of these cases remain unresolved, there have been many resolutions through different conflict-resolving bodies and mechanisms. These cases utilize the formal procedures of the Philippine government and/or the various indigenous systems. Formal methods may involve official courts, local government officials, police, and the military. Indigenous methods to resolve conflicts usually involve elder leaders who use local knowledge, beliefs, and practices, as well as their own personal influence, to help repair and restore damaged relationships. Some cases using this approach involve the payment of blood money to resolve the conflict. Hybrid mechanisms include the collaboration of government, religious, and traditional leaders in resolving conflicts through the formation of collaborative groups. Furthermore, the institutionalization of traditional conflict resolution processes into laws and ordinances has been successful with the hybrid method approach. Other conflict-resolution methods include the establishment of ceasefires and the intervention of youth organizations.[32]
Photo - A fortified tower used as refuge for men involved in a blood feud that are vulnerable to attack. Thethi, northern Albania.
Photo - A Kasbah in the Dades valley, High Atlas. Historically, tribal feuding and banditry were a way of life for the Berbers of Morocco. As a result, hundreds of ancient kasbahs were built.
Photo - The defensive towers built by feuding clans of Svaneti, mountains of Caucasus.
Photo - In rural Yemen, state authority is weak, and disputes between tribes are frequently solved through violence.[29]
Famous blood feuds
Njál's saga, an Icelandic account of a Norse blood feud
The Percy–Neville feud (1450s; England)
The Wars of the Roses (1455–1487; England)
The Campbell–MacDonald feud, including the Massacre of Glencoe (1692; Scotland)
The Battle of the North Inch, Michaelmas, 1396, Scotland; a set-piece inter-clan "battle to the death" between 30 members each of two long-feuding rival clans of the Clan Chattan Confederation, Clan Macpherson and Clan Davidson; staging the event received royal and legal approval citing the Scottish concept of trial by combat; the battle of fictionalised in the novel The Fair Maid of Perth by Sir Walter Scott, in which one combattant for the Macphersons, the blacksmith Henry Gow or Hal o' the Wynd, was immortalised.
The Donnelly–Biddulph community feud (1857-1880; Ontario, Canada)
The Lincoln County War (1878-1881; New Mexico, USA)
The Clanton/McLaury–Earp feud (see also Earp Vendetta Ride), also known as the "Gunfight at the O.K. Corral" (1881; Arizona, USA)
The Hatfield–McCoy feud (1878–1891; West Virginia & Kentucky, USA)
The Pleasant Valley War, also known as the "Tonto Basin Feud" (1882–1892; Arizona, USA)
The Capone–Moran feud, including the St. Valentine's Day massacre (1925–1930; Chicago, Illinois, USA)
The Castellammarese War (1929–1931; New York City, USA)
The Gunn–Keith feud (1464-1978; Scotland)
The Talbot–Berkeley feud
The Great Mafia War (1981–1983; Sicily, Italy)
The Feud of Scampia (2004–2005; Naples, Italy)
The Maguindanao Massacre (2009; Ampatuan, Philippines)
Notes
1^ Griffiths, John Gwyn (1991), Divine Verdict: A Study of Divine Judgement in the Ancient Religions, BRILL, p. 90, ISBN 900409231
2^ Metzger, Bruce M.; Coogan, Michael D. (1993), The Oxford Companion to the Bible, Oxford University Press, p. 68, ISBN 0195046455
3^ Malcolm Gladwell, "Outliers" (2008), Chapter 6, citing, for example, David Hackett Fischer, "Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America")
4^ At the root of the political power eventually gained by the factions was the fact that from the mid-fifth century the making of an emperor required that he should be acclaimed by the people (Liebeschuetz, The Decline of the Roman City, 211).
5^ McComb, Sports in World History, 25
6^ Maximilian I
7^ The State of the Estates
8^ Keeley: War before civilization: The myth of the peaceful savage
9^ Corsican Soup and Pulp Fiction
10^ Vendetta
11^ Chechen society and mentality, Dr. Emil Souleimanov
12^ Police search Calabrian village as murders are linked to clan feud, The Independent
13^ Feud Between Kurdish Clans Creates Its Own War, New York Times
14^ In Turkey, a lone peacemaker ends many blood feuds, csmonitor.com
15^ Kurdish Families - Kurdish Marriage Patterns
16^ "Independent Appeal: The Afghan peace mission"
17^ Somali feuding 'tit-for-tat', News24
18^ Anthony Wilkin, Among the Berbers of Algeria, (T. F. Unwin: 1900), p.253
19^ Nigeria deploys troops after 14 killed in land feud, Reuters
20^ India's caste row leaves six dead, BBC News
21^ Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s “Untouchables”, (Human Rights Watch Report, 1999)
22^ Thousands flee Assam tribal feud, BBC News
23^ Clan Feuds, an Old Problem, Are Still Threatening Chinese, New York Times
24^ Clan feuds fuel separatist violence in Philippines, study shows, International Herald Tribune
25^ 'In the Land of the Blood Feuds', The Washington Post
26^ Tribe - Nyangatom, BBC
27^ No guns at Ethiopian peace talks, BBC News
28^ Deadly twist to PNG's tribal feuds, BBC News
29^ Yemen Country Study
30^ Peacemaker breaks the ancient grip of Albania's blood feuds, csmonitor.com, June 24, 2008
31^ Gang mayhem grips LA, The Observer
32^ a b Torres, Wilfredo M (ed). 2007. “Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict Management in Mindanao.” Makati: The Asia Foundation.
Further reading
Jonas Grutzpalk: Blood Feud and Modernity. Max Weber's and Émile Durkheim's Theory. In: Journal of Classical Sociology 2 (2002); p. 115–134.[1]
Kreuzer, Peter. 2005. “Political Clans and Violence in the Southern Mindanao.” Frankfurt: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt.
Torres, Wilfredo M (ed). 2007. “Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict Management in Mindanao.” Makati: The Asia Foundation.
External links
BBC: In pictures: Egypt vendetta ends May, 2005, One of the most enduring and bloody family feuds of modern times in Upper Egypt has ended with a tense ceremony of humiliation and forgiveness. Police are very edgy. After lengthy peace talks, no one knows if the penance—and a large payment of blood money—will end the vendetta which began in 1991 with a children's fight.
Blood feud in Caucasus
Blood feuds tearing Gaza apart
Albania: Feuding families…bitter lives
Blood feuds blight Albanian lives
Thousands fear as blood feuds sweep Albania
Blood feud in Medjugorje, 1991-1992
Chad: Clan Feuds Creating Tinderbox of Conflict
Tribal Warfare and Blood Revenge
Iraq's death squads: On the brink of civil war
Bedouin family feud
A "Yakuza War" has started in Central Tokyo
Gangs clash in Nigerian oil city
NZ authorities fear retaliatory attacks between rival gangs
Gang mayhem grips LA
Mafia feuds bring bloodshed to Naples' streets
Blood in the Streets: Subculture of Violence
Mexico drugs cartels feud erupts
State Attorney: Problems Posed By Haitian Gangs Growing
Calabrian clan feud suspected in slayings
Violent ethnic war looms between Filipino and Vietnamese gangs
Tribal warfare kills nine in Indonesia's Papua
Crow Creek Massacre
BBC News, July 2008 - Family Feud in Ireland Involves 200 rioters
Maratabat and the Maranaos, From the blog of Datu Jamal Ashley Yahya Abbas, “Reflections on the Bangsa Moro.” Posted 1 May 2007.
Rido and its Influence on the Academe, NGOs and the Military, An essay from the website of the Balay Mindanaw Foundation, Inc. Posted on 28 February 2007.
2 clans in Matanog settle rido, sign peace pact, From the MindaNews website. Posted on 30 January 2008.
Villages in “rido” area return home, From the MindaNews website. Posted on 1 November 2007.
15 clan feuds settled in Lanao; rido tops cause of evacuation more than war, From the MindaNews website. Posted on 13 July 2007.
’Rido’ seen major Mindanao security concern, From the Inquirer website. Posted on 17 November 20006.
Children as teacher-facilitators for peace, from the Inquirer website. Posted on 29 September 2007.
Rido, From The Asia Foundation Rido Map website.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Feud"
Thousands fear as blood feuds sweep Albania
In Telegraph
By Bojan Pancevski and Nita Hoxha in Tirana
Published: 12:01AM BST 03 Jun 2007
Stuck in their cottage outside the northern Albanian village of Mnela, 14-year-old Flori Bardoku and his younger sisters watch suspiciously whenever anybody makes the hour-long journey up the path to their home.
The reason for their caution is understandable: while most of their trickle of visitors are villagers bearing food and gifts, they know that one day someone may come to kill them.
The four siblings and their mother have lived in fear of their lives ever since their father, Martin, killed his cousin's wife in Mnela after discovering her in bed with another man. He is serving 10 years in jail for her death, but in conservative rural Albania, justice is seldom served by courts alone. In accordance with ancient clan tradition, the murdered woman's brothers have declared a "blood feud" against Bardoku's family - which means any of his nearest and dearest can be killed in exchange.
Bardoku's family is believed to be one of more than 20,000 in the country who live under an ever-present death sentence because of such blood feuds. After his arrest, his children had to stop going to school and can never leave their homestead, a ramshackle place with no electricity and only a half a roof. It is, in many ways, just as much a prison as their father's.
"We would like to be able to go outside to play with our friends, but we can't" said Flori. "Here we have no books or magazines to read. I want to go back to school."
By rights, medieval customs such as blood feuds should be a thing of the past. While Albania remains a clan-based society, today's younger generation are generally much more reluctant than their ancestors were to spill blood in defence of family honour. Yet recently, the problem has got much worse - after clan chiefs, in a bizarre adaptation to 21st century ways, ruled that families could "outsource" blood feuds to professional contract killers.
The ruling, last year, has seen blood feuds being pursued with far more ruthless efficiency than before, resulting in an explosion in the number of the killings. The government is desperately trying to curb the problem by setting up a database of families affected by blood feuds in an attempt to provide monitoring and protection.
"Times have changed," said Edmond Dragoti, a sociologist based in the capital, Tirana, who has studied the history of blood feuds. "We no longer see men saying proudly 'I am the avenger'; on the contrary, the executors are anonymous, hired killers."
The blood feuds are regulated by a set of harsh tribal laws called the Kanun - The Code - drafted by Lek Dukagjini, a feudal lord who fought against the Ottoman invaders in the 15th century. It served as the country's constitution for centuries and was upheld by the council of elders, a tribal legislative body consisting of the oldest males from prominent families of each village or region.
The Kanun was banned during the totalitarian rule of the Stalinist dictator Enver Hoxha, whose hard-line communist regime held an iron grip on the country until 1991. But during the chaos that followed the fall of communism, it was reinstated as a way of dealing with disputes. The councils of elders were re-established and now exist parallel to state institutions. In some conservative rural areas, where distrust of the police lingers, the councils' pronouncements effectively outweigh those of government.
Since the decision was made in mid-2006, the number of feud-related killings has doubled, confirming the government's suspicions that people find it far easier to hire a hit man than to commit a murder themselves.
According to the National Reconciliation Committee (NRC), a government body that deals with blood feuds, a total of 78 people died as a result of them in 2006. The real figure may be much higher, as many murders are not reported as blood feud killings, or not reported at all.
The new freedom to hire contract killers has spread to all Albanian-populated areas, including the western part of neighbouring Macedonia, Kosovo and southern Serbia, where the number of killings has also risen.
Many families facing potential retribution hide their children away. Adults in fear of assassination often carry weapons as they go about their daily business.
Gjin Marku, the chairman of the NRC, claims that today's contracted-out vendettas have little in common with the spirit of the Kanun.
"Some of these new brutal forms of revenge include the execution of the victim and his entire family, the killing of children younger than 18, as well as planting explosives," he said. In the past, he added, only single women or lone mothers were allowed to use contract killers, when there were no male members of the family left.
Blood feud retaliations are severely penalised by Albanian law, but prosecutors often face a lack of co-operation from traditional communities that prefer to adhere to the ancient code.
As an alternative, the government's new proposals recommend establishing a structure based on close collaboration between local leaders and police.
Mr Dragoti said the situation was made worse by the abundance of unlicensed weapons among the population, dating back to the 1997 meltdown after the crash of a big pyramid-type savings scheme. In a week-long riot, army barracks were looted by angry mobs, and thousands of Kalashnikovs and other weapons have since been circulating in the country.
Yet, despite languishing in prison with his children fearing for their lives, Bardoku accepts the blood debt as part of traditional Albanian life. In a recent interview with officials from the NRC, he remarked: "Life reserves such grave fates for us. Now things have happened, they can not be undone."
Clan Feuds, an Old Problem, Are Still Threatening Chinese
In the New York Times
By SHERYL WuDUNN,
Published: January 17, 1993
PAN SHI, China— The memory of clan warfare comes back suddenly to Mai Bingsong, and his eyes widen as if he can once again hear the gunshots that exploded around him 74 years ago when he was a small, frightened child.
"A lot of people died then," said the 83-year-old Mr. Mai, his head rolled back as he grasped at images from the past. "Nothing since has been as terrible as that. Not the Japanese, not the Cultural Revolution."
Clan rivalries are an ancient problem in China, and they have returned in the last decade as Communism has subsided and tradition has re-emerged. Huge battles between rival clans are regularly reported in China, and just last month such a battle led to a riot and several deaths elsewhere in Guangdong Province.
Like many villages in China, Pan Shi is made up of a single clan so all the men have the same surname and feel a sense of kinship that often expands into a network of connections outside the village.
Pan Shi was founded 200 years ago by a family with the last name Mai. The Mai family originally came from a nearby village, called Xing, which they shared with the Li clan.
But the two clans constantly feuded, and so a group of Mais fled to form Pan Shi. At the turn of the century the battle between the Mai clan and the Li clan propelled many residents, including Mai Xizhou, the maternal grandfather of this reporter, to join a growing wave of peasants fleeing for Macao, Canada and the United States. Feuding Remembered
On the main track that runs through Pan Shi, Liang Jingzhen, a frail woman who says she is 100 years old, remembers the squabbles between the Mai and Li clans. Like most peasant wives, Ms. Liang retains her own surname but left her family to move into Pan Shi with her husband and his parents.
Sitting in her dark gray-brick hut, where she now spends most of her life, Ms. Liang describes how she fled with Mai Xizhou and his family to Macao to escape the Mai and Li battles, when houses were burned and people killed. She could escape more easily than other women because her feet were not bound, a custom many women throughout China followed for centuries, including Huang Yufeng, the woman Mai Xizhou married.
Ms. Huang, the grandmother of this reporter, accompanied her husband to Canada, but her stunted feet were so tiny it was difficult to travel. Her children remember that she always walked slowly and strangely, the product of a society whose customs were alien to them.
Ms. Liang, however, was not as adventuresome as Ms. Huang and returned to Pan Shi, where the Mai-Li battles had subsided. Now she has softened on the feud. Her grandson fell in love with Li Yuqin, a member of the Li clan from the village of Xing. After they got married, a clan battle broke out in the late 1960's, and Ms. Li had to retreat to her own village to avoid being attacked by the Mai clan in Pan Shi.
The villagers say outbursts between the clans occur about once every 40 years, partly because of the gods.
"No one knows why it's this way," Ms. Li said as she scrubbed away at a pile of dirty clothes in her kitchen. "Everyone knows that it has been this way for a couple of centuries. It doesn't make sense. Our life is better. It's stable. People are educated. Maybe we won't fight again."
Clan feuds fuel separatist violence in Philippines, study shows
In The New York Times
By Carlos H. Conde
Published: Friday, October 26, 2007
MANILA — Clan violence has contributed greatly to bloodshed in the southern Philippines, with government forces and Islamic separatists often drawn into the violence unnecessarily, complicating the decade-long search for peace there, a new study shows.
The study released Wednesday by the Asia Foundation said that the peace process in Mindanao, the region in the southern Philippines where Islamic separatists have been fighting for self-determination since the 1970s, would have a better chance of succeeding if clan violence - called "rido" by Filipino Muslims - were addressed.
The study said "rido" is a "type of conflict characterized by sporadic outbursts of retaliatory violence between families and kinship groups as well as between communities. It can occur in areas where government or a central authority is weak and in areas where there is a perceived lack of justice and security." Two common causes of this type of conflict are political disputes and quarrels over land.
The project's researchers, which included Islamic scholars and anthropologists, found that, from the 1930s to 2005, there had been 1,266 cases of clan violence in Mindanao, in which 5,500 people were killed and thousands were displaced. Of these cases, 64 percent have not been solved, the perpetrators never identified nor brought to justice.
While clan conflict is common in many societies around the world, "rido" is unique in that it has, according to the study, "wider implications for conflict in Mindanao, primarily because it tends to interact in unfortunate ways with separatist conflict and other forms of armed violence."
The government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the main Islamic separatist group, have been engaged in peace negotiations since 1997 but no substantial agreement has been reached.
According to the study, half of the clan violence documented occurred between 2000 and 2004. During this period, the cease-fire between the government and the Islamic front was broken many times by fighting caused by clan feuds.
"Most of the hostilities during this period were complicated by 'rido,' " said Teresita Quintos-Deles, who was President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's presidential adviser on the peace process from 2003 to 2005. In fact, Deles said Wednesday, fighting between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front decreased in 2004 and 2005 and most of the hostilities during that period were triggered by clan violence.
Typically, according to the study, two warring families would petition either the Islamic front or the military for help. In many instances, feuding families were also members of the front or had connections with the military.
"At times, local conflicts trigger large-scale armed confrontations between government and rebel forces," said the study, which cited several incidents of such confrontations. "In these events, parties to localized conflicts are able to exploit, deliberately or not, the military resources of both forces."
Clan violence in Mindanao, it said, has caused death and suffering, destroying of property, crippling the local economy, displacing communities, and sowing fear among communities.
Gutierrez Mangansakan 2nd, a Muslim Filipino film maker, knows only too well the impact of clan violence: his family battled another for years. He was only eight in 1985 when his family and the other clan began a conflict that lasted for more than two decades. He said he saw shootings in his village that triggered it, and the situation worsened, he said, until family was forced to leave.
The Asia Foundation intends to use its study to try to resolve more cases of clan violence and deal with it constructively.
"The Asia Foundation published this book to empower communities to break the cycle of violence," said Wilfredo Torres, who coordinated the research and edited the book. In doing the study, he said, "we have already seen the positive results of fresh, constructive dialogue through a better understanding of 'rido.' "
Tribal warfare kills nine in Indonesia's Papua
Agence France-Presse (AFP)
bs/skj/sst AFP 120426 GMT 03 07
JAKARTA, March 12, 2007 (AFP) - Nine people were killed and more than 150 hurt in Indonesia's remote Papua province after a murder accusation triggered clashes between tribesmen armed with spears and arrows, police said Monday.
A woman accused of poisoning her husband to death encouraged members of her clan to attack members of a rival group which her accuser -- and her dead husband -- belonged to, according to police spokesman Kartono Wangsadisastra.
Nine people were killed in the ensuing clashes between the Kobagau and Sani tribes and 154 others were injured, including a policeman hit by an arrow, the spokesman told AFP.
"We have managed to curb the violence, but as long as no customary peace-making ceremony has been held, it may well erupt again," he said.
According to tradition, a death should be avenged by another death or the killer's tribe must pay a hefty fine of prized pigs and hold a feast to seal peace.
Papua in eastern Indonesia is home to tribes that engage in elaborate war rituals to resolve disputes, with each camp taking turns to shoot arrows and throw spears. Around 15 people were killed in weeks of clashes last year.
More than 300 tribes are believed to make their homes in the province's jungles, some yet to have any contact with the outside world.
