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Este Blogue tem como objectivo a discussão da violência em geral e da guerra na Pré-História em particular. A Arqueologia da Península Ibérica tem aqui especial relevo. Esperamos cruzar dados de diferentes campos do conhecimento com destaque para a Antropologia Social. As críticas construtivas são bem vindas neste espaço, que se espera, de conhecimento.

Guerra Primitiva\Pré-Histórica
Violência interpessoal colectiva entre duas ou mais comunidades políticas distintas, com o uso de armas tendo como objectivo causar fatalidades, por um motivo colectivo sem hipótese de compensação.


Showing posts with label Past events. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Past events. Show all posts

Tuesday, 9 March 2010

THE EVOLUTION OF HUMAN AGGRESSION: LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CONFLICTS

Presentation Abstracts
Keynote 1
Destined to Wage War Forever? The Evolution of Peacemaking Among
Primates.
Frans B. M. de Waal
Living Links, Yerkes Primate Center, Emory University

Following the Second World War, scientists were naturally fascinated with the
aggressive "instinct" in humans and animals. In the 1970s, evolutionary biology
added the view of animal social life as an arena of competition. At about the
same time, however, primatologists began to emphasize long-term social
relationships. The discovery of reconciliation behavior came out of this tradition,
confirming the impression that societies constitute a balancing act between
cooperation and competition. Reconciliation - defined as a friendly reunion
between former opponents - has since been confirmed in many different species,
in both captivity and the field, both experimentally and observationally.
Chimpanzees, for instance, kiss and embrace after a fight. Reconciliation has also
been demonstrated in non-primates, such as dogs and dolphins. This behavior
truly serves what its name suggests, i.e. to repair social relationships. The
dominant idea (known as the Valuable Relationship Hypothesis) is that
reconciliation will occur whenever parties stand much to lose if their relationship
deteriorates. This means that peacemaking depends on overlapping interests, a
situation common within but rare between primate groups. In our own species,
however, interdependencies between groups or nations are not unusual, and in
fact increasing, making for applicability of these models to international
relations.
Panel 1: Conflict and Conflict Resolution among Great Apes.
The imbalance-of-power hypothesis and the evolution of war.
Richard Wrangham
Harvard University

Among vertebrates, lethal intergroup aggression has traditionally been regarded
as being unique to humans, and human warfare has therefore been widely
interpreted as an evolutionary aberration due to social construction. The
discovery since the 1970s that chimpanzees kill adult members of neighboring
social groups has challenged the social construction hypothesis. Here I review
the imbalance-of-power hypothesis, which states an evolutionary history of
communal territoriality combined with fission-fusion grouping favors the
tendency to kill rivals when the costs are perceptibly low. Current data on
chimpanzees, bonobos and other mammals support the imbalance-of-power
hypothesis and suggest that in certain species natural selection has favored a
drive to dominate neighboring communities through attempts to kill. I suggest
that the imbalance-of-power hypothesis also provides a useful basis for
understanding intergroup violence in small-scale human societies, but that it
needs to be modified to take account of human-specific attributes such as reward
systems and political complexities. The proposal that human intergroup
aggression has its evolutionary origins in an imbalance-of-power system means
that violence will emerge predictably when groups have sufficient power, but
that violence is suppressed in conditions without intense power imbalances.
Evolutionary Perspectives on Conflict Resolution
Joan B. Silk
Department of Anthropology and Center for Society and Genetics, University of
California, Los Angeles

Sociality is favored by natural selection because it makes animals safer from
predation or enables them to collectively defend access to resources. At the same
time, living in close proximity to conspecifics can lead to conflicts of interest and
competition. In a number of animal taxa, including many nonhuman primate
species, evolution has favored an effective mechanism for resolving conflicts
with group members: they engage in peaceful contacts with former opponents in
the minutes that follow conflicts. There is a broad consensus that these
reconciliatory interactions relieve the stressful effects of conflict and permit
former opponents to interact peacefully, but less consensus about their adaptive
function. Primates may reconcile to obtain short term objectives, such as access
to desirable resources. Alternatively, reconciliation may preserve valuable
relationships damaged by conflict. Some researchers view these explanations as
complementary, but they generate different predictions about the patterning of
reconciliation that can be partially tested with available data. There are good
reasons to question the validity of the relationship-repair model, but it remains
firmly entrenched in the reconciliation literature, perhaps because it fits our own
folk model of how and why we resolve conflicts ourselves. It is possible that the
function of reconciliation varies across taxa, much as other aspects of cognitive
abilities do.
Chimpanzee Politics: Pacifying Interventions and Reconciliation
Frans B. M. de Waal
Living Links, Yerkes Primate Center, Emory University

Chimpanzee males form coalitions within the group in pursuit of high rank.
These coalitions are formed opportunistically, and may involve high risk,
including fatal aggression. High ranking males perform a control role in that
they break up fights among others. This behavior has group-wide repercussions
as demonstrated in an experiment on a different species. Flack et al. (2005)
removed control males from a large captive macaque group for brief periods of
time, and each time measured a deterioration of social relationships in the
remainder of the group, including a sharp drop in reconciliation behavior.
Reconciliation, which has been demonstrated in a great variety of primates and
other animals, affects stress levels, social tolerance, and long-term social
relationships, hence is an essential component of group harmony.
Sexual dimorphism and aggression in primates: just where do humans fit in?
Michael Plavcan
Anthropology, University of Arkansas

Male primates are often much larger than females, and equipped with large
canine teeth (dimorphic). Humans, on the other hand, show comparatively
modest differences in body size, and lack large canine teeth. These characters are
often associated with monogamy and affiliation in humans. However,
comparative analyses more closely tie dimorphism with degrees of intra-sexual
aggression and differences in reproductive success among males. The closest
relatives of humans – the great apes – show a gradation of dimorphism that
appears to track the degree of relatedness to humans. Gorillas and orangutans
are intensely dimorphic, and chimpanzees much less so. Many models for the
evolution of human behavior use chimpanzees as an analogue for an ancestral
condition. But data from the fossil record strongly contradict this assumption,
suggesting that behavioral similarities between chimpanzees and humans
associated with reduced dimorphism evolved in parallel, and that modern
humans are derived independently from a strongly dimorphic ancestor. This has
important implications for understanding whether human patterns of aggression
and affiliation represent an inherited condition, or have separately evolved as
part of a unique human adaptation.
Keynote 2
Nothing to Lose? Economic Inequality, Poor Life Prospects, and Lethal
Competition.
Martin Daly & Margo Wilson
Department of Psychology, McMaster University

The majority of homicides are the culminations of competitive confrontations
between young men, and the immense variation in homicide rates is primarily
due to the variable incidence of such contests. The most successful predictor of
homicide rates has proven to be the intensity of economic competition, as
indexed by income inequality. But which particular men are at risk? In large
measure, it is those whose lives are going nowhere unless they escalate their
competitive tactics.
Thinking about homicide in this way has led us to a number of discoveries about
its demography and epidemiology, which we will review. We will also address
the questions of why homicide rates declined in much of the developed world in
recent decades although income inequality was on the rise, and whether crosscultural
variability in attitudes and values provides an alternative to economic
explanations for the remarkable variability in homicide rates between and within
nations.
We do not suggest that killing per se can be understood as either rational or
fitness-promoting. Homicides are relatively rare dénouements of hostile
confrontations, and it is in the modulation of men’s willingness to engage in
risky competition that adaptation should be sought.
Panel 2: Coalitionary Violence and Warfare
A History of Violence
Steven Pinker
Harvard College Professor and Johnstone Family Professor, Department of
Psychology, Harvard University

Contrary to the popular impression view that we are living in extraordinarily
violent times, rates of violence at all scales have been in decline over the course
of history. I explore how this decline could have happened despite the existence
of a constant human nature.
Americans at War: Evolutionary Perspectives on an Age Old Story
Patricia M. Lambert, Utah State University

The archaeological record of North America is rife with evidence for war, both
prehistoric and historic. Ancient palisade lines, cliff dwellings, towers,
entrenchments, burned villages, no-man’s-lands, war weapons, and war dead
attest to a history of conflict extending far back beyond the arrival of Europeans
and the establishment of the United States. These remnants of the past are
fascinating, insightful, and historically important—but are they relevant to the
topic of conflict management in the 21st century? The purpose of this paper is to
explore the value of this longitudinal record for revealing the larger causal forces
that underlie intergroup conflict, forces that are often masked in the modern
world by proximate triggers such as hotel bombings and suicide attacks, and
thus difficult to identify. History has shown us that conflict resolution is a
challenging endeavor, but those efforts that take underlying causation into
account may have a better chance of resolving today’s conflicts and heading off
those that threaten our collective future.
Male Hierarchies, Parent-Offspring Conflict, and Warfare in Papua New
Guinea
Polly Wiessner
Anthropology, University of Utah

Population growth and the increase of young men in proportion to older men are
associated with accentuated coalitional violence worldwide. Here I will propose
that an extension of parent-offspring conflict provides a powerful framework for
understanding the course of coalitional violence. Older men seek to manipulate
inter-group competition to provide optimal resources and security for their
offspring and those of their close collaterals. In contrast, young men seek to
demonstrate physical prowess and willingness to sacrifice for the group to reap
individual reputation and rewards. In periods of demographic or technological
stability, older men with control of resources, knowledge, and networks prevail.
With rapid change, younger men are able to disrupt the male power hierarchy,
generating chaos.
I will draw on a case study from the Enga of Papua New Guinea to illustrate how
parents parent/offspring conflict is played out in the context of warfare in precolonial
and modern times young men in the driver’s seat, and what older men
are doing about it.
Panel 3: Further Discussion of Coalitionary Warfare
Warfare and Human Ultrasociality
Peter Turchin
Ecology and Evolution, University of Connecticut

How did human ultrasociality - extensive cooperation among large numbers of
unrelated individuals - evolve? What are the social forces that hold together
complex societies encompassing hundreds of millions of people? Using
theoretical insights from models of multilevel selection I argue that there is a
fundamental connection between human ultrasociality and warfare. It was
intergroup conflict that generated selective pressures for increasing scale and
complexity of human societies. I illustrate this social evolutionary dynamic with
two examples. The first is the rise of historical megaempires on the frontiers
between settled farmers and nomadic pastoralists. The second one is the
transformative influences of the Indian Wars on the European settlers in North
America.
From Lab to War: The Role of Biology and Psychology in Political Aggression
Dominic D. P. Johnson
Politics & International Relations, University of Edinburgh

I present results from a series of laboratory experiments demonstrating that
human biology and psychology have significant influences on the probability of
aggression. In interactive war-game experiments over networked computers, we
found that: (1) men (not women) were over-confident about winning, and those
who were more over-confident were more likely to attack their opponents; (2)
second-to-fourth finger length ratios (2D:4D), a possible biomarker of pre-natal
testosterone exposure, also predicted the probability of attacking. In our most
recent experiments, we found that: (3) behavioral aggression (willingness to
inflict harm on others) was significantly associated with MAO-A (monoamine
oxidase A) gene, especially in response to provocation. Finally, in hypothetical
international crisis scenarios, levels of aggression in subject’s chosen policy
options (which ranged from withdrawal, to negotiation, to military attack) were
significantly predicted by: (4) political partisanship (Democrat-Republican
affiliation, and a general liberal-conservative scale); and (5) subjects’ confidence
that their chosen policy would succeed. I conclude by arguing that physiological
and psychological influences on aggression were adaptive in our evolutionary
past because they promoted survival and reproductive success. However, these
same mechanisms are often costly and maladaptive in today’s very different
social and political environment. If we ignore the biological bases of aggression,
we will only make the task of prediction and prevention harder.
Panel 4: Hormones and Human Dominance and Aggression
The challenge of testosterone
John Archer, Department of Psychology,University of Central Lancashire

Chronic high levels of testosterone exert evolutionary costs. A common response
to this is in males of many species is to have a neuroendocrine system that is
responsive to situations that require high testosterone levels rather than
maintaining consistent high levels. Evidence from studies of testosterone and
behavior in humans is assessed in relation to whether human males fit this
pattern. It is concluded that they do, and also that there are individual
differences associated with testosterone levels indicative of specialization for
mating or parental effort.
Ontogeny of hormonal mechanisms for coalitionary aggression
Mark Flinn
University of Missouri, Columbia

Humans have an unusual suite of traits, including: (1) extensive male parental
effort, (2) relatively exclusive, long term mating relationships, (3) mutual respect
for other males’ mating relationships, (4) communities composed of many males
from multiple kin groups, (5) inter-community aggression, and (6) a long period
of juvenile dependence. The neurological and hormonal mechanisms that
underpin this unique suite of behavioral traits are uncertain, but may provide
important clues about the selective pressures that guided human evolution.
Here I present data from a 20-year study of a rural community on the island of
Dominica. Testosterone and cortisol response to competitive events among adult
males within a coalition are different than responses among males from different
coalitions. Similarly, adult males have different hormonal responses to females
that are attached to close friends than to unattached females, or females attached
to males that are not close friends. We are currently studying the ontogeny of
these distinctive hormonal responses. During middle childhood, boys and girls
show behavioral differences in play and social interactions: boys tend to invest
more time in organizing groups of peers, among which they form hierarchies,
and compete with other groups. Conversely, girls usually invest more time in
dyadic interactions with similar age girls, caring for siblings, and doing domestic
chores. How the onset of male coalitional and female dyadic psychobiology and
life history trajectories are related to social events is yet an open question. We are
examining the onset of adrenarche, pubarche, and individual differences in
DHEA (Dehydroepiandrosterone) production using semi-structured, long
interviews and a competitive enzymatic immunoassay of saliva samples. Peer
network density is assessed by multidimensional scaling (MDS), with the
hypothesis that it is denser for boys than for girls. Everyday social interactions
are coded from observations and video. Analyses suggest that middle childhood
and the unusual temporal patterning of adrenarche are important components in
the ontogeny of coalitionary behavior.
The role of physical strength in anger and anger expressions
Aaron Sell
Center for Evolutionary Psychology, University of California, Santa Barbara

Anger can be understood as a cognitive mechanism designed by natural selection
to negotiate conflicts of interest in ways similar to, but distinct from, non-human
animal conflict. Using an evolutionary biological framework, one can ask under
what conditions aggression is mobilized by the anger system, and predict
individual differences in thresholds for aggression. For example, because
physical aggression was frequently used by men during our evolutionary history
to negotiate conflicts of interest, it was predicted and found across different
cultures that physically stronger men were more prone to anger. Similarly,
physical changes to the face, body, and voice preceding aggression can be
understood as displays designed by natural selection to enhance signals of
physical strength and fighting ability.
Panel 5: Domestic Violence, with Emphasis on Spousal/Partner Relationships
An evolutionary perspective on family violence
John Archer
School of Psychology, University of Central Lancashire,

The aim of this presentation is to evaluate the application of evolutionary
principles to the understanding of family violence. The following relevant
evolutionary principles will be outlined: kinship and inclusive fitness; paternity
uncertainty and mate guarding; reproductive value; parent-offspring conflict;
resource holding power. The motivational mechanisms underlying these
principles are then discussed, specifically discriminative parental solicitude and
kin resemblance. The following forms of family violence are presented in the
light of these principles and mechanisms, with relevant empirical research: (1)
parental violence to unrelated children; (2) parental violence to biological
children; (3) offspring’s violence to parents; (4) violence between siblings.
Violence between sexual partners is considered in relation to (1) conflicts of
interest and power relations between males and females; (2) spousal abuse as
mate guarding; (3) male sexual jealousy as a mediator of partner violence; (4)
reproductive value. It is concluded that an evolutionary approach has a number
of strengths in terms of providing a comprehensive theoretical framework and
specific principles underlying many aspects of family violence, although the
current emphasis on male mate guarding is too narrow to explain current
findings in relation to partner violence.
Men’s Proprietary View of Their Romantic Partners is Specific to Sexuality:
An Experimental Study
Aaron T. Goetz
California State University, Fullerton

Even across disciplines and theoretical perspectives, most agree that men take a
proprietary view of their romantic partners; men view their partners as an entity that they
privately own and control. Disagreement, however, arises over the extent of this
proprietary view. Some theorists have argued that men attempt to control and dominate
all aspects of their partners’ lives, while others—particularly those taking an evolutionary
approach—have argued that men’s proprietary view of their romantic partners is specific
to sexuality. Here, I describe the results of a recent experimental study in which I
demonstrated that men are less likely to tolerate their partner’s participation in activities
that more likely to lead the opportunity for infidelity and that men become more tolerant
of their partner’s participation as the activities become less related to the opportunity for
infidelity. These results suggest that men afford their partners many freedoms with the
exception of those related to their sexual behavior. Discussion addresses how the
adaptive problem of paternity uncertainty plays a central role in intimate partner violence.
Hurting the ones we love: The features and functions of aggressive
punishment in close relationships
Julie Fitness
Macquarie University,

Human beings are born with a fundamental need for attachment, intimacy, and
the love and esteem of valued others. Close relationships, then, are the source of
our most intense positive emotions, including love and joy. However, close
relationships are also the source of intense pain and anger when relationship
partners reject or hurt one another, or fail to meet one another’s needs, desires, or
expectations. Further, the experience of emotional pain may generate a powerful
impulse to punish, or inflict pain upon, the person who appears to have caused
the distress. In this paper I will argue that the urge to retaliate in response to
partner-triggered emotional pain is, to an extent, hard-wired and serves a variety
of potentially adaptive functions, though it may also have destructive and tragic
consequences. Following a discussion of the features and functions of
punishment in close relationship contexts from an evolutionary, socialpsychological
perspective, I will discuss the roles of emotional pain and
punishment as it relates to domestic violence. I will then present the findings of
an empirical study of aggressive punishment in marriage and suggest some
implications of this work for both enhancing our understanding of aggression in
close relationships, and preventing its occurrence.
Panel 6: Further Discussion of Domestic Violence, with Emphasis on Parent-
Child Relationships
Violence against Stepchildren. The Evidence and its Discontents.
Martin Daly and Margo Wilson
Department of Psychology, McMaster University

Parental investment is costly and evolves to be allocated where it is most likely to
promote parental fitness. While it is implausible that abusing or killing
stepchildren would have promoted the assailants’ fitness in ancestral human
social environments, a general preference for their own offspring surely would
have. Elevated risks to stepchildren are a likely byproduct of such discriminative
parental solicitude.
It is now almost 30 years since we first demonstrated that children living with
one genetic parent and one stepparent were indeed mistreated more than
children in intact birth families. Further research has shown that such
“Cinderella effects” are widespread, perhaps even universal, are often
substantial, and cannot be explained away as artifacts of any correlated factor yet
suggested.
The disproportionate victimization of stepchildren is now the most extensively
documented generalization in the family violence literature, raising further
questions, such as what explains variability in risk differentials between
maltreatment types and locales, and whether the individual-level predictors of
abuse are the same for genetic and stepparents. Unfortunately, progress on these
important issues has been hindered by a relentless distraction: the manufacture
of “controversy” about whether Cinderella effects exist at all. A motivation for
this nay-saying appears to be antipathy to the Darwinian worldview and/or to
its application to Homo sapiens.
Hormonal responses to domestic violence
Mark Flinn
University of Missouri, Columbia

Exposure to stressful experiences increases vulnerability to adverse health
outcomes. A potential endocrine mechanism mediating the link between stress
and health is the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) system, with a key role
attributed to the glucocorticoid hormone cortisol. Retrospective clinical studies
indicate that traumatic experiences during childhood such as exposure to
domestic violence can have a permanent influence on HPA regulation. Here I
present analyses of naturalistic, longitudinal data on cortisol levels, social
stressors including domestic violence, and health among children to assess
developmental trajectories of HPA functioning. Saliva samples (N=32,219) were
collected and assayed for cortisol in concert with monitoring of growth,
morbidity, and social environment for children (N=317) in a rural Dominican
community each year over a 20-year period (1988-2008). Several measures of
individual cortisol (C) profiles are analyzed: (1) average C, (2) average wake-up
C, (3) average ratio of AM/PM C, (4) variability of AM and PM C, and (5)
reactivity of C in response to stressors. A majority of children exhibit moderate
stability of all five measures over multiple year periods. Children exposed to
domestic violence exhibit significant changes in some of these measures.
Changes in HPA response, however, appear to be context-specific, with
increased reactivity to some types of social stressors, but normal or reduced
reactivity to physical stressors.

Sunday, 3 May 2009

The experiential role of violence and combat in the creation of social identities

The experiential role of violence and combat in the creation of social identitiesat the Sixth World Archaeological Congresson3rd July 2008 at University College Dublin
Session organisers Barry Molloy and Angelos Papadopoulos
Discussants will include John Carman, Kristian Kristiansen and Colin Renfrew

In the history of humankind, the 'warrior male' has often been regarded as a paradigm of masculinity. Violent activities, such as combat, hunting and agonistic sports would have been highly visible phenomena dynamically negotiating their location in society.
Displays of idealised masculine prowess in violent contexts can be further manifested in the images displayed on various artistic media. This ethos of the warrior, or an idealised version of him, can be seen in many cultures around the world where martial arts and competitive displays of fitness are used as projections of power. Martial symbolism underlines the military prowess and hunting skills of certain individuals or groups, highlighting their legitimate political authority. This is further promoted and perpetuated through the art created to enshrine this aspect of elite identities. Notions of such 'warrior elites' are spread liberally throughout archaeological and anthropological literature from Bronze Age Britain to the Maori of New Zealand, making this concept a global phenomenon.
The active role of combat arts and violence in the development and characterisation of this identity are profound as they represent the manifest realities of what it means to be a warrior. In seeking to understand the social location of the warrior in societies from prehistory to more recent times, we need to bring together source material relating to both their lifestyle in reality and how they chose to display this materially and ideologically. The papers in this session will focus on these agencies of action, experience and symbolism by exploring their role in modelling both the individual and group identities of these practitioners of 'legitimatised' violence. In doing this we seek to elucidate some of the realities and myths behind these seemingly ubiquitous 'warrior elites' around the world.

Anthony Harding
The development of warrior identities in the European Bronze Age [PDF]
Barry Molloy
Developments in cognitive capacities for violence in prehistoric Ireland [PDF]
Rick Schulting
War without warriors? The nature of interpersonal conflict before the emergence of formalised warrior élites [PDF]
Jennifer Birch
The expression of individual and community identity through combat and defence in northern Iroquoian societies [PDF]
Stephen O'Brien
The Role of the Duel in Early Mycenaean Society [PDF]
Angelos Papadopoulos
I Need a Hero: Iconography and Identity in Late Bronze Age Aegean [PDF]
Kyriakos Grigoropoulos
Military force, state and warrior ethos: the cases of late palatial Knossos and Pylos [PDF]
Dimitrios Roulias
Marshals of the Army, Liberators of Cities: The Kings of Greece during the Balkan Wars [TBA]
Dan Boatright
The Realities of Battle in New Kingdom Egypt (c. 1550-1080BC)[PDF]
Philip De Souza
Roman emperors as warriors [TBA]
Alan Peatfield
Warrior skills in ancient societies - the human reality [PDF]

The Archaeology of Violence: An integrated approach to the study of violence and conflict

The Archaeology of Violence: An integrated approach to the study of violence and conflict
Second Visiting Scholar Spring Conference
April 18th – 19th 2009

Today, violence is an everyday occurrence and we are always reminded that violent encounters are never that far away. As a result, people have come to expect violence as part of everyday life. Whether experienced at the group or individual level, the ‘emotional, economic, demographic, logistic and political impact of violence reaches well beyond its physical location’ (Shiels et al. 2008).
This conference aims to consider the causes, actions and effects of violence through the study of skeletal remains, identity, literature, iconography, ritual behavior, and landscapes. Violence plays an important role in the development of social-political systems in the past and therefore, its archaeological identification is an essential part of our understanding of social change, both on a micro- as well as the macro-scale. Studying the material remains of violence allows us ‘to consider the importance of violent interaction and its impact upon family and settlement units; and to explore the function, causes and consequences of violent interaction in different groups and societies’ (Shiels et al. 2008).
The interdisciplinary nature of this conference will allow for a variety of research to be presented and will highlight the diversity of approaches to violence and the consequences for understanding social, political and economic relationships between individuals, kin, communities and society as a whole.
Shiels, D., L. Fibiger, W.O. Frazer and C. Murphy. 2008. Abstract for Session at WAC-6 “Changing identities: exploring the materiality of conflict I”.

Conference Participants
John Carman
Past War and European Identity: notes towards a new conception of European-ness
Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham, NY
Michael Carter
“Convince the People”: Violence and Roman Spectacle Entertainment in the Greek World
Department of Classics, Brock University , ON
Mike Galaty
“An offense to honor is never forgiven…”: Violence and Landscape Archaeology in Highland Northern Albania
Department of Anthropology, Millsaps College, MS
Simon James
Facing the sword: confronting the realities of martial violence and other mayhem, present and past
School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Leicester, UK
Eamonn Kelly
An Archaeological Interpretation of Irish Iron Age Bog Bodies
Keeper of Irish Antiquities, National Museum of Ireland, Dublin
John Pollini
The Archaeology of Destruction: Christians, Images of Classical Antiquity, and Some Problems in Interpretation
Department of Art History, University of Southern California, CA
Anne Porter
The State of Sacrifice: Divine Power and Political Aspiration in third millennium Mesopotamia
School of Religion, University of Southern California, CA
Rebecca Redfern
Violence as an aspect of the Durotrige female life course
Centre for Human Bioarchaeology, Centre of Human Bioarchaeology, Museum of London, UK
Werner Riess
Cursing Democracy: The Magic of Binding Spells and Athenian Law Court Procedures
Department of Classics, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC
Rick Schulting
Lex talionis, ‘an eye for an eye’?: Contexts for Violence in Neolithic Europe
School of Archaeology, University of Oxford, UK
Tina Thurston
Artful Words: the public performance of conflict and resolution in Early Medieval Denmark
SUNY, University at Buffalo , NY
Helle Vankilde
Warfare and pre-state societies: 20th century presentations and recent archaeological research inquiries
Department of Anthropology, Archaeology and Linguistics, Aarhus University, Denmark
Eric Varner
Violent Discourses: Visual Cannibalism and the Portraits of Rome’s ‘Bad’ Emperors
Departments of Art History and Classics, Emory University, GA
Mary Voigt
Ritual Murder and Sacrifice at Galatian Gordion (Turkey)
Department of Anthropology, College of William and Mary, VA



John Carman, Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham, UK
Past War and European Identity: notes towards a new conception of European-ness
The content of this paper has its origin in three sources:
An interest (first enunciated in my own contributions to the 1997 edited volume Material Harm) in offering a specifically archaeological contribution to debates about issues of major concern – especially war and violence;
Involvement with Belgian and other partners in a project to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the Battle of Oudenaarde; and
Deriving from the latter, foundation of the group ESTOC (European Studies of Terrains of Conflict) which seeks to promote and develop the study and preservation of sites of past conflict in a way that emphasises the mutual involvement of the peoples of Europe.
The emergence of the European Union has led to European states no longer making war on each other. The long history of war in Europe, however, has had an inevitable impact upon European identities: from the emergence of city-states in Greece and Italy, through the rise of Athenian, Alexandrian and Roman Empires, to medieval feudalism and the modern nation state. However, the new peace that prevails has meant that in formulating a new sense of pan-European identity, past wars are treated as matters best left untouched lest they revive old hostilities.
The emergence of Conflict Archaeology as a sub-discipline has also meant, however, a renewed interest in past conflict among archaeologists in Europe. This has been confirmed by the formation of the ESTOC group which aims to promote the study of past conflict as a pan-European project. Drawing upon the aims and objectives of the ESTOC group, this paper will develop an approach to the archaeological study of conflict in Europe’s past that can contribute to the creation of a sense of identity in Europe that owes nothing to supra-nationalism, but meets the conditions of the era of pan-European concord. At the heart of this work lies the recognition that war creates as well as destroys: and it is by focussing upon the new things that conflict makes, that its study can play a part in constructing new senses of identity.
Michael Carter, Department of Classics, Brock University, ON
“Convince the People”: Violence and Roman Spectacle Entertainment in the Greek World
About ten years ago, G.W. Bowersock proposed that we should place the origins of the peculiar concept of Christian martyrdom more firmly in the context of Roman imperial society (specifically the period from ca. AD 50 to 150), rather than looking to Jewish (esp. Maccabean literature) or earlier events in the Christian community (Martyrdom and Rome,1995). In particular, Bowersock looks to the cities of Asia Minor where violent, spectacular (Roman) entertainment had come to play a central role in the formation of civic identity and the relationship of the city (and province) to the wider Empire. Bowersock then went on to demonstrate that the Christians and the martyrs themselves conceived of the act of martyrdom as a form of public entertainment offered by God to the world: like a victorious athlete or gladiator, the martyr is the star of the show. More recently, C. Frilingos has also proposed the Roman games, particularly those in the cities of Asia Minor, as a plausible context for reading the Book of Revelation (Spectacles of Empire, 2004).
While these theories have sparked some debate, it has mostly concerned what it means for our understanding of Christian martyrdom and vision. I propose to examine the civic role of violent, spectacular entertainment. These spectacles involved wild beast fights/hunts, executions and gladiatorial combats originated in Italy. Once, scholars believed that the spread of these violent spectacles to the Greek world was imposed by the Romans and considered them a sign of the Romanization of the Greek world. Scholars now view the situation as more complex: the local and provincial Greek elite provided the shows and the proud Greek citizens of the various cites filled the seats to watch. I would especially like to discuss the participation of the crowd as both witnesses of the violent shows and as participants in them. By watching the shows and approving of the violence, they in some senses become participants in it. But more than this, the crowd often played a more active role: it was the crowd who decided whether a gladiator had earned his release or not and the crowd who often decided a condemned man's fate. I shall examine this phenomenon using a variety of evidence, literary, archaeological (reliefs, mosaics etc) and especially epigraphic.
Michael L. Galaty, Department of Anthropology, Millsaps College, MS
“An offense to honor is never forgiven…”: Violence and Landscape Archaeology in Highland Northern Albania
Northern Albania is the only place in southern Europe where tribal societies survived intact into the 20th century, including tribal councils and chiefs, an oral customary law code (the Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjini), and blood feuds and warfare. Since 2004 the Shala Valley Project (SVP) has studied one of these tribes, the Shala, whose tribal territory encompasses the upper reaches of the Shala River. The SVP supports interdisciplinary programs of archaeological, ethnographic, and ethno- and archival historical research. In three seasons of fieldwork (2005-2007), 999 fields were subjected to intensive archaeological survey, 580 structures were mapped and fully documented, and 36 heads of household participated in detailed formal interviews. Three historians accessed documents pertaining to northern Albania housed in Albania, Austria, Italy, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Taken together, these data paint an interesting picture of the origins and evolution of the Shala tribe, beginning in the 15th century AD through the present day. Fully interpreting this picture, however, is almost impossible without considering the effects of violence. In this paper I consider the various ways Shala’s tribal system and shifting settlement patterns are reflected in the regional landscape, and how these responded to endemic violence, including feud and warfare. It seems likely that violence worked to relieve demographic and economic pressure, which was critically important given Shala’s harsh environment, but that contests between individuals and clans, for access to social and political power, underpinned most incidents of feud and decisions to go to war. Our work in Shala helps demonstrate the various impacts violence may have had on settlement and landscape the world over, in periods of prehistory and history, and demonstrates the power of integrated approaches to violence and conflict to inform archaeological data.
Simon James, School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Leicester, UK
Facing the sword: confronting the realities of martial violence and other mayhem, present and past
This gathering is especially welcome, as it offers an opportunity to address a major gap in contemporary archaeology: the failure to establish a mature discourse on violence. Keeley’s War Before Civilization chimed with my own exasperation during the 1980s and 90s that, in mainstream British Iron Age and Roman archaeology, anything relating to violence was either ignored or downplayed. More researchers are now addressing such matters, but archaeological treatments still often betray a lack of clear thinking. We can see this, for example, in frequent equation of violence with war, and its conflation into the latter. Yet in many cultural contexts, even what I term martial violence (i.e. that dealt by soldiers and warriors, at least ostensibly on behalf of a polity) is far from confined to warfare. This is abundantly clear from the history of the profoundly hierarchical, slave-owning Roman world, which equally illustrates on the grandest scale that violence extends far beyond the martial. Such observations should be banalities, but these matters frequently get airbrushed out of our pictures of past cultures. Unlike other key aspects of human history, violence is not fully theorised in archaeology. We need to address this; and to do so we need to understand why such a situation prevails.
The Roman world in the widest sense, including societies which interacted with the evolving Roman polity—republic, empire and early Byzantium—provides an especially valuable and relevant cultural milieu, or group of overlapping cultural contexts. These are at once familiar, but also distant and different, ranging from prehistoric ‘warrior societies’ (in Iron Age Italy and the northern ‘barbarian’ cultures Rome fought and in part absorbed), to fully literate urban states (from Greeks to Sasanian Persians). Not least, it also incorporates a key phase in the history of Judaism, and the birth of Christianity, both transformed by Roman state violence. The Judaeo-Christian and Classical traditions form the two pillars on which modern western civilization and scholarship were built. Rome itself gave us the central term and concept of this conference: the English word ‘violence’ derives from Latin and further, its pejorative connotation from Roman usage.
Violence was central to the creation and continuance of Roman civilization, yet many Roman archaeologists do not discuss it. This is partly due to the paradoxical sparseness and subtlety of material evidence in many regions in most periods, even where texts attest massive or chronic violence. But are researchers alert for it? Many prefer to focus the urban and artistic glories of the ‘Roman Peace’. Even specialist military archaeologists tend to avoid the realities of what they are dealing with, focussing on army organization and infrastructure—anything but bloodshed itself. Why?
It is clear enough that this ‘silence on violence’ relates to modern western cultural abhorrence of bloodshed. In academic fields like archaeology, violence has become the kind of taboo, or elephant in the room, which sex was to Victorians (at least, in public). We are still waking up to the extent to which this relatively recent development has been constraining our discourse and research, not least through fear of what peers and publics might think of our motives.
We would probably all agree on the desirability of developing relations within and between societies which rely on persuasion, consent and collaboration, and elimination of coercion and violence. We might also agree that at least partial establishment of such conditions in much of the modern world represents a significant human achievement. Yet archaeologists also need to face up to the centrality of brutality and bloodshed to most human societies over history. It is a profound error to treat all violence as pathology, or deviation from a peaceful norm. Almost universally, violence has been a standard tool and strategy in social and political relations which, while commonly relying on both coercion and cooperation, tended to place far more emphasis on open force than we do. It is therefore an issue which archaeologists are obliged to confront, if we truly seek holistic understanding of past humanity. The Buffalo meeting promises to be an important step towards this goal.
Eamonn P. Kelly, Keeper of Irish Antiquities, National Museum of Ireland, Dublin
An Archaeological Interpretation of Irish Iron Age Bog Bodies
Up to one hundred men, women and children, dating to all periods, have been found in Irish peat bogs. Eight bog bodies have been dated to the Early Iron Age and other undated remains may also date to the same period. What characterises Iron Age finds and sets them apart from other bog bodies is the fact that they represent ritual killings.
Two finds made in 2003 have produced important new information. Clonycavan Man had lain in a bog on the Meath county border with Westmeath and although machinery has damaged the body from the waist down and removed the hands, the internal organs are preserved partially and the head is intact with a clearly distinguishable face and a very distinctive hairstyle. On the back of the head the hair was cut to about an inch long with the rest of the hair, which was about a foot long, gathered into a bundle on the top of his head. The hair was held in place by the application of a sort of hair jell made from resin imported from France or Spain. Clonycavan man was of slight build and his stature is estimated to lie in the range from 5 foot 2 inches to five feet nine inches tall. He was killed by a series of blows to his head and chest, probably from an axe and suffered a 40cm long cut to his abdomen, suggesting disembowelment.
By contrast, a powerfully built body found at Oldcroghan, Co. Offaly was estimated at about 6 foot 3 inches tall. The remains consist of a severed torso that had been decapitated, however the surviving part of the body was in remarkable condition with superbly preserved hands and intact internal organs. On the right arm was a plaited leather armband with metal mounts. By contract with his normal meat-rich diet, Oldcroghan Man ate a final meal of cereals and buttermilk. His upper arms had been pierced and withies had been inserted into the holes. Examination of his hands showed that Oldcroghan Man did not undertake manual work and his fingernails were carefully manicured. A stab wound to his chest killed Oldcroghan man and a defence wound on one arm indicates that he tried to fend off the fatal blow. He was then decapitated and his thorax severed from his abdomen. The nipples of both Oldcroghan Man and Clonycavan Man had been cut partially and both have been radiocarbon dated to between 400-200 BC.
The body of an adult male found in Derryvarroge bog, Co, Kildare in 2007 has been dated to between 228-343 AD. The remains were damaged by peat harvesting machinery and investigation of the body is ongoing. Research suggests that all of the Iron Age bog bodies were placed on ancient tribal boundaries and that the victims were sacrificed as part of a Kingship and Sovereignty ritual. Other categories of votive may also to be connected with the ritual.
John Pollini, Department of Art History, University of Southern California, CA
The Archaeology of Destruction: Christians, Images of Classical Antiquity, and Some Problems in Interpretation
Christian iconoclasm has long been a subject of great interest and scholarly discussion. The term “Christian iconoclasm” has generally been used to characterize Christian destruction of Christian sacred images as a result of the so-called “iconoclastic debate,” a euphemism for the “iconomachy” that raged du ring the eighth and ninth centuries. This “battle over images” was fought by iconophiles, who wanted to keep images of the Christian god and their saints as part of the Church’s tradition, and the iconoclasts, who felt that such sacred images were in violation of the biblical ban on images stated in the Ten Commandments. The iconomachy that ensued resulted in much violence and bloodshed, nearly tearing apart the Eastern Orthodox Church in the process. A great deal of scholarship has likewise been focused on the Christian iconoclasm that recurred periodically in the modern era, beginning with the Protestant reformation. However, remarkably little attention has been focused on the considerable amount of Christian destruction and desecration of images of classical antiquity that took place in Late Antique times, roughly from the fourth to at least the sixth century. Although Christian violence against images of the gods and the polytheists who worshiped or revered them is recorded in various passages in the histories and hagiographies of the Late Antique period, there has been no comprehensive study of this phenomenon, especially from an archaeological point of view.
In both scholarship and popular culture, Christianity has generally been seen a positive force that was responsible for the preservation of the literature, art, and architecture of the classical past. Rarely acknowledged is the vast amount of literary and visual material that Christians destroyed and desecrated. In fact, some scholars have even interpreted the Christianization of the Roman Empire as a largely peaceful process. But even though the written and archaeological record tells a very different story, the material evidence for Christian destruction and desecration has often been overlooked or unrecognized even by archaeologists. This paper focuses on the question of the nature of the evidence for Christian violence against images of classical antiquity in the late antique period, a s well as some of the attendant problems in detecting and making sense of this phenomenon. Based on our evidence for all forms of Christian destruction, the question that ultimately needs to be addressed is whether or to what extent the Christianization of the Roman Empire was a change for the better or worse from what had gone before. This talk is based on Professor Pollini’s present book project, “Christian Destruction and Desecration of Images of Classical Antiquity: A Study in Religious Intolerance and Violence in the Ancient World.”
Anne Porter, School of Religion, University of Southern California, CA
The State of Sacrifice: Divine Power and Political Aspiration in third millennium Mesopotamia
In focusing on the socio-political ramifications of sacrifice, the human manipulations of diverse bodies in the accomplishment of human goals, we ignore to our detriment the power of the divine and the ontological frameworks in which sacrifice is constituted. The two of course are by no means mutually exclusive, but neither is one more real, more important than the other. Recent work shows that the bodies created through practices known as “retainer sacrifice,” traditionally understood as the manifestation of social status and political power by dominant elites who could command the very existence of those beneath them, were critical to the performance of funerary and post-funerary mortuary rituals that included parades, pilgrimages and feasts. But that those rituals were in the first place considered necessary has little to do with only secular concerns because they produced and reproduced proper relationships between the living and the dead, the divine and the mundane, cosmological relationships which for the Mesopotamian constituted daily reality. Living people usually comprised the processual and feasting components of mortuary ritual so the question then is why sometimes were the dead deliberately made in order to fulfill this role? Killing, the essence of discourses where sacrifice is power, seems not to be foregrounded in Mesopotamian practice. It never occurs in iconography or text, nor do we have its archaeological attestation in the form of the loci where it was conducted, or, as in earlier periods, refuse pits where its remains were tossed. This is in contrast to parts of the Americas, for example, where grotesque iconographic representations of killing far exceed its archaeological reality. In Mesopotamia instead, sacrifice exists only as mortuary depositions which are themselves the locus of mediation between planes of existence and kinds of being. That sacrifice is understood as the appropriate means to accomplish Mesopotamian cosmological relationships is I suggest because of that element it entails present in no other form of self-denial, gift-giving, or worship: that is, blood. Blood is significant because it is the basis of kinship, and socially-constructed kinship, itself the basis of much political and social interaction, is frequently made through the spilling of blood (although only a small amount of it is required). Sacrifice is in Mesopotamia therefore the creation of kinship between humans and other worldly beings. Why then is it so rare an occurrence?
Rebecca Redfern, Centre for Human Bioarchaeology, Museum of London, UK
Violence as an aspect of the Durotrige female life course
This research explores the role of violence in the life course of late Iron Age Durotrige females from Dorset, England (4th century B.C. to the 1st century B.C./A.D.). A life course approach was used, because it provides a social framework with which to understand female lives from birth to death, and the approach recognises the importance of gender and social status in shaping people’s lives and health (World Health Organization 2001, 12-14). The Durotrige female life course has been reconstructed using Hamlin’s (2007) analysis of late Iron Age funerary practices. This research concluded that age was the determining factor in these rites, and the work provides a framework with which to understand the bioarchaeological evidence for female trauma.
It is considered that the application of a life course approach to the analysis of fractures and weapon injuries in females, provides a more nuanced and holistic understanding of their exposure to and participation in violent acts. As contemporary social science research has shown that in comparison to males, violence in female lives is more complex as it arises from tensions between female aspirations and proscribed gender roles, it largely occurs in the private social sphere, and for many females it becomes endemic in their daily lives. This gender difference has created a separate definition of female-directed violence as ‘any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women’ (Watts and Zimmerman 2002).
This paper will discuss how violence affected Durotrige females by examining different age-groups in terms of injury prevalence and mortality risk, trauma patterns and weapon types, and how these results correspond to our understanding of the female life course and gender roles in the late Iron Age of Dorset.
References
Hamlin, C. 2007. The Material Expression of Social Change: Mortuary in Late Pre-Roman and Roman Dorset. Ph.D thesis, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee.
Watts, C. and Zimmerman, C. 2002. Violence against women: global scope and magnitude. The Lancet 359.6, 1232-1237.
World Health Organization 2001. Men, ageing and health. Achieving health across the lifespan. Geneva: World Health Organization.
Werner Riess, Department of Classics, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, NC
Cursing Democracy: The Magic of Binding Spells and Athenian Law Court Procedures
This paper challenges the scholarly consensus that the violence inscribed in fourth-century BCE curse tablets is minor. A fresh reading of the sources indicates that at least ten percent of the extant tablets were meant to be lethal, and further investigation suggests that the violence expressed in these curses was more severe than scholars have surmised so far. In addition, this paper will connect binding magic with Athenian democratic principles. It will become clear that binding magic reflects and even is parallel to some cultural practices of Athenian democracy.
According to Faraone, early binding spells were merely protective. A re-evaluation of the extant 270 curse tablets, however, reaches different conclusions. Notwithstanding the formulaic texts, some tablets display a more violent language than others. These are not prayers for justice, a category of curses established by Versnel, in which the expression of brutal sentiments was more common than in mainstream binding spells, but ordinary binding curses. Archaeological remains, such as the burying of a figurine in a little coffin or the placing of a tablet into the right hand of the corpse, provide additional evidence of intended violence. A new interpretation of the similia similibus function, the transference of a quality to the victim (“X is to become like lead”), the dedication of a victim to the gods (the Greek verbs used correspond to the devotio in Latin, which was always meant to be lethal), and a more comprehensive translation of the preposition pros, which occurs twenty six times in the corpus and denotes a downward movement toward the gods of the underworld, strongly suggest that the curses were more malevolent than hitherto thought.
Particularly striking are the many analogies between binding magic and the law court system, and thus Athenian democratic practices in general. I shall focus on one example: the semantics of binding and imprisonment are one and the same. The criminals bound in Athens and handed over the Eleven were kakourgoi, mostly killers and robbers. They were either immediately executed or put into prison to face trial and execution. The curse victims awaited trial in a twofold sense. Judicial curses were deposited before real trials took place. Moreover, the victims were bound, metaphorically, to be judged in front of the invoked gods of the underworld. With the curser representing the plaintiff in court, the gods standing for the judges, and the dead symbolizing the subordinate position and functions of the Eleven, the whole process of cursing was analogous to the system of law.
Beneath the seemingly harmless texts on the tablets there are hidden structures of underlying aggression encapsulated within the broad semantics of binding. Since the violence perpetrated through magic was mediated violence, it was acceptable even under the stipulations of the amnesty of 404/3 BCE. Binding spells were safety valves not only for disconcerted individual temperaments, but also for a whole society under the pressure of avoiding open violence. In this sense, the curse tablets were a psychological, social, and political necessity under the refined conditions of post-amnesty democracy.
Rick Schulting, School of Archaeology, University of Oxford, UK
Lex talionis, ‘an eye for an eye’?: Contexts for Violence in Neolithic Europe
Interpersonal violence is a powerful form of social interaction, involved in the creation and maintenance of identity at various levels, from societal to personal. Accessing the myriad ways in which violence is employed and experienced through the archaeological record is a particularly challenging enterprise, one requiring the integration of various lines of evidence, foremost among which is the trauma recorded on human skeletal remains themselves.
Despite the apparent absence of formal and specialized weaponry, there is considerable skeletal evidence for interpersonal violence in the European Neolithic (ca. 5500-2500 BC). The nature and contexts of these episodes of violence can be shown to vary, and at one level seem to have much in common with conflict as seen in small-scale societies ethnographically. This observation, together with Raymond Kelly’s notion of social substitution and the central role of revenge, encapsulated in the expression lex talionis (‘an eye for an eye’), provides a useful way of understanding some aspects of between-group conflict, linking violence to wider social identities. These ideas are developed here, and extended to the changing roles and nature of conflict in the Bronze Age, marked by the first appearance of specialized weaponry and an ideology centered around the image of a male warrior élite.
Tina Thurston, Department of Anthropology, SUNY University at Buffalo, NY
Artful Words: the public performance of conflict and resolution in Early Medieval Denmark
Despite modern notions of cultural homogeneity in southern Scandinavia, substantial ethnic differences characterized its Iron Age and early Medieval populations. Creation of a unified state from earlier social formations ignited rifts leading to social disorder, rebellion, and uprising during a transitional era when upper and lower classes felt these changes most sharply. Ethnohistoric evidence preserves a record of ritualized public performances by state and local leaders, revealing relationships that shifted between fear, negotiation, challenge, and defiance. This is compared against archaeological evidence of widespread, rapid changes in settlement organization in some regions, and relative stability in others, interpreted as outcomes of unsuccessful and successful challenges to state authority. Groups electing to use violent conflict in challenging the state, who also had histories of intergroup interaction, were better able to preserve autonomy then those attempting legalistic arguments and ‘rational’ negotiations. Data are interpreted in light of ethnographic case studies and contemporary social theory.
Helle Vandkilde, Department of Anthropology, Archaeology and Linguistics, Aarhus University, Denmark
Warfare and pre-state societies: 20th century presentations and recent archaeological research inquiries
The objective of this paper is twofold. First, it explores how and why war, warriors and warfare have been omitted, or incorporated, in archaeological discourses of pre-state societies. Second, the archaeological sources are consulted in an attempt to illuminate the actual position and significance of warfare and warriorhood in some prehistoric communities in Europe.
Two opposing myths have long characterised archaeology – one of them regarding prehistory as populated with potentially violent warriors who repeatedly changed society, the other presenting prehistory as populated with peaceful peasants in harmonious and static societies. Interestingly, war and warfare did not become an established area of study until the past decade (from c. 1995), and it must be assumed that the many ethnic wars and genocides of the 1990s as well as the massive media coverage have played a decisive role. The horror and awful chaos of war are now analysed in social anthropological studies, whereas it might be claimed that archaeological studies still do not portray prehistoric war realistically enough, probably because the discourse is still influenced by some myths of heroic warrior elites.
The last part of the paper examines selected archaeological data from a more explicitly theoretical perspective: weaponry in itself, weapon technology, weaponry in burials and votive deposits, fortifications, skeletal trauma, and iconographic presentations. The aim is here to find a more true answer to the question of whether war – and associated identities – was present or absent in temperate Europe before the state. It will here be suggested that both the ideal and real sides of war and warriors in prehistory should be studied, and also that interpretative stereotypes can be avoided through the use of theories that view human agents as interacting both routinely and strategically within societal networks.
Eric R. Varner, Departments of Art History and Classics, Emory University, GA
Violent Discourses: Visual Cannibalism and the Portraits of Rome’s ‘Bad’ Emperors
The mutilated and altered images of Rome’s ‘bad’ emperors vividly narrate the violent political transitions that characterized regime change in ancient Rome. Beginning with Caligula, portraits of overthrown rulers were subjected to anthropomorphic attacks. Eyes, mouths and ears were mutilated in an effort to deprive imperial effigies of any metaphorical ability to see, speak or hear. These attacks were also closely related to the desecration of corpses (poena post mortem) carried out against the remains of capital offenders and others whose status as noxii made their physical bodies especially liable to violation. Similarly, full length statues could be decapitated mirroring another form of corpse abuse as well as capital punishment. Mutilated and headless images remained on public view as potent markers of posthumous denigration.While the desecration of portraits weaves a rather unambiguous narrative of political permutation, their revision into new likenesses recounts more complex negotiations of imperial identity and authority. In the early empire, vast numbers of marble representations of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian were refashioned into new depictions of victorious predecessors or revered predecessors. These new images visually cannibalized the power of the original.
The alteration of portraits, however, was not a simple act of obliteration, as the likeness of one emperor replaced another. Refashioned likenesses often left legible traces of their reconfiguration, which enabled astute viewers to decipher the portrait cannibalism which had occurred. The mutilation and transformation of imperial images constituted a dynamic and lasting corollary to real political violence in an ongoing struggle as living and dead emperors vied for legitimacy.
Mary M. Voigt, Department of Anthropology, College of William and Mary, VA
Ritual Murder and Sacrifice at Galatian Gordion (Turkey)
Much of the evidence for a Celtic presence in central Anatolia during Hellenistic times comes from texts. Livy clearly places one group of these immigrants (who referred to themselves as Galatians) at Gordion, which he described as an “oppidum” or fortress and a market town in the early second century. Excavations carried out on the Citadel Mound at Gordion between 1950 and 2002 have exposed large areas of a Later Hellenistic settlement that was founded in the mid-3rd century BCE and finally abandoned in the late second century. Material remains that can be linked to Iron Age sites in Europe include a La Tene button and iron fibula and sculptures in a style that can be paralleled at La Tene sites in France. In a low, walled area adjacent to settlement were found deposits of human and animal bone that can only be interpreted as the physical remains of ritual practices. These practices include decapitation and the display of trophy skulls, decapitation and the careful rearrangement of body parts, incorporation of human remains with those of a large number of domestic animals, and strangulation. Most of the human remains were left on the surface and were eventually buried by silt washing off the nearby enclosure wall. The individuals in this group included males and females, and some very young children. This paper presents the material evidence for ritual at Celtic Gordion, and possible interpretations for this evidence in the light of documentary sources that describe Celtic practices in Europe and Anatolia.

Friday, 17 April 2009

Warfare and Violence in Prehistoric Europe.

A conference organised by the School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology,
Queen’s University Belfast, to be held on May 27-29, 2005
Registration forms information at: http://www.qub.ac.uk/arcpal/events.htm
For queries contact:
Ian Armit i.armit@qub.ac.uk
or Rick Schulting r.schulting@qub.ac.uk

Programme
Friday 27 May
Evening
6.30 WINE RECEPTION AND REGISTRATION
7.15 Lawrence Keeley Keynote address: Baffles, bastions and V-section ditches:
the universal features of fortifications

Saturday 28 May
9.00 Registration
Session 1: Chair: Ian Armit
9.30 Ian Armit, Chris Knüsel Approaches to warfare and violence: an introduction
John Robb and Rick Schulting
9.45 Nick Thorpe Fighting and feuding in Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Europe
10.15 Pia Bennike Interpretation of bone injuries from Danish prehistory
10.45 Discussion
11.00 COFFEE
11.30 Jörg Orscheidt and The Linearbandkeramik enclosure of Herxheim. Theatre of
M.N. Haidle war or ritual centre?
12.00 John Robb Meaningful violence
12.30 Mariya Ivanova Tells and invasion theories: warfare in 5th millennium BC NE Bulgaria
1.00 Discussion
1.15 LUNCH
Session II: Chair: Chris Knüsel
2.30 Rick Schulting Scales of violence in early prehistoric Europe
3.00 Detlef Gronenborn Climate change and sociopolitical crises in Neolithic societies of
Central Europe
3.30 Discussion
3.45 COFFEE
4.15 Roger Mercer By other means … Warfare in earlier prehistory until c. 500 BC
4.45 Isabella Mulhall New discoveries of Irish Bog Bodies: the National Museum of
Ireland Project
5.15 Discussion
Evening
5.45 WINE RECEPTION
6.15 Jonathan McCormick Iconography of Paramilitary Murals in Northern Ireland

Sunday 29 May
Session III: Chair: Eileen Murphy
9.30 Anthony Harding Velim (central Bohemia) and the question of Bronze Age warfare
in Europe
10.00 Ian Armit Iron Age head-hunting re-visited
10.30 Mags McCartney Enemies and ancestors: Iron Age head-hunting in southern France
11.00 Discussion
11.15 COFFEE
11.45 Simon James Warriors, soldiers and the ‘truth about killing’
12.15 Chris Knüsel The evidence of warfare: subtle stigmata
12.45 Jim Mallory Indo-European warfare
1.15 Discussion
1.30 LUNCH
2.45 Screening of the documentary film ‘Dead Birds’ with introduction and discussion

Monday, 6 April 2009

Sociedade, Hierarquização e Conflito - Hierarchy and conflict - HARRY FOKKENS*

in JORGE, S. O., ed. – Existe uma Idade do Bronze Atlântico? Lisboa: Instituto Português de Arqueologia, p.189-191.


In this session, a number of papers will address the issues of hierarchy and conflict. I
will introduce them by making some general remarks on models that try to explain the
emergence of complex societies in the Bronze Age. In particular, I want to stress the need
for analysis of social processes on local and regional scales of research.
The Bronze Age is considered to be the period in which almost everywhere in Europe
complex societies developed. This process is supposed to have already started in the Late
Neolithic and the Copper Age when in the context of the Bell Beaker tradition the use of
metal was introduced. The correlates for complexity are generally of the same order: burials
with elaborate grave gifts, fortified settlements, monumental and ceremonial structures, evidence for long distance exchange, etc. Sometimes even the slightest difference in quality or
quantity is used as an indication for hierarchy.
In England the first stone phase of Stonehenge is built in the Beaker Period which indicates,
according to Renfrew (1973), that after 2200 BC Wessex develops into a real chiefdom
type of social organisation. In Brittany, similar and probably closely related developments
occur. In Scandinavia, according to Kristiansen (e.g. 1989), chiefdoms emerge a little later
and during the whole of the Bronze Age they are competing for access to metal supplies.
Also in Central Europe, south-eastern France and the Iberian peninsula the Bell Beaker period
is the episode in which the circulation and consumption of metal starts. In these areas,
fortified settlements like Villa Nova de San Pedro, Zambujal and Le Lebous appear to support
the models of emerging Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age hierarchies.
Metal and the struggle for access to metal, are in most cases used as an explanation for
the origin of hierarchies. Harrison, for instance, explains this in the following manner: in
the Iberian peninsula innovations like the plough, the cart and olive and vine plantations
represented costly energy investments that Òhad to be protected from the greedy clutches of their neighbours (1980, 164). According to Harrison, the newly formed bell beaker elites could
offer that protection against raiding. For their services they were paid with luxury goods of
bronze and gold. Hence, the lavish display of luxury goods and weapons, hence also, the fortifications that appear in Bell Beaker contexts in many areas. This model explains, still in
Harrisons interpretation, also the rapid expansion of chiefdoms all over Central and
Western Europe.
This is, of course, a rather simplistic scheme, most other models are much more
sophisticated and plausible, but they all have a common denominator: they want to explain
the spread of Bell Beaker complex as the result of the same process everywhere in Europe.
The same applies to the models for the emergence of hierarchies: Wessex-type chiefdoms
seem to have been present everywhere. Patrice Brun has shown us in his contribution how
he thought that this process worked: the elites that are able to obtain goods and associated
ideas redistribute these in their local communities, which leads to homogeneity over large
areas.
I find it very difficult to accept such a scenario. Yes, of course, bronzes and other items
probably wre obtained by only a few people in the society who had access to the exchange
networks. But is not right to characterise them Europe-wide as a Wessex-type of chiefly
elite. In the Netherlands, for instance, they probably were the leaders of kinship groups and
their authority was not based on the manipulation of goods and land but on age and sex
(Lohof, 1994; Fokkens, 1997). In other regions their basis for power may have been entirely
different and their status as well. Moreover, communities were differently organised
everywhere, with different economic structures, cosmologies, ritual structures, etc. This
precludes cross-cultural models for the spread of the bell beaker or the emergence of hierarchies.
In this respect it should also be clear that the introduction of metal does not automatically
lead to hierarchies and complex societies, like Harrison seems to think. It is the social
and ritual structure of the regional group that determines in which way innovations are
accepted and internalised. The premises on which power is based are different for all regional
communities because they all have different histories. Only careful analysis of local and
regional social structures will provide explanations for the construction of, for instance,
Stone Henge and for the construction of fortified sites in Portugal and their subsequent
abandonment in the Early Bronze Age.
There is one other point that I want to make. The metal objects that are exchanged
tools, weapons, ornaments are often implicitly considered to have had a fixed meaning: a
sword, is a sword, is a sword. Again, however, I think that in every community these objects
were interpreted, read, differently. Therefore, their meaning will have been different everywhere, depending on the relation to person who obtained them, the intentions with which
he or she gave them, the obligations that are associated with them, the history or biology of
the objects, etc. There is not such a thing as an intrinsic meaning. Therefore the meaning
of an artefact or class of artefacts cannot be generalised and needs to be studied in its context
of use and deposition.
To conclude this brief introduction, what we need are careful analyses of regional
structures and of the way in which metal was used and interpreted by local or regional
communities. Moreover, we need to get rid of evolutionist concepts like chiefdom, ranking
and redistribution. They have served their purpose, but by now they have devalued
into labels with a stereotype content that has no descriptive value if it ever had any.
Instead, we need alternative ways for describing the social organisation of prehistoric
communities.
One other thing that is definitely needed, is a critical analysis of our correlates for
hierarchy and conflict. Almost thoughtless we are using equations like Kristiansen proposed
during this conference: ritual and rank mean coercion and distance and exclusiveness
mean value. I think that we should not any longer accept this type of simplification of very
complex and diverse processes. Neither, for that matter, do I think that World Systems
theories will bring us much further in understanding the emergence of hierarchy and
conflict.
Manuscript closed 21 March 1996

REFERENCES
FOKKENS, H. (1997) - The genesis of urnfields: economic crisis or ideological change? Antiquity. Cambridge. 71,p. 360-373.
HARRISON, R. J. (1980) - The beaker folk: Copper Age archaeology in Western Europe. London: Thames and Hudson.
KRISTIANSEN, K. (1989) - Value, ranking and consumption in the Bronze Age. In NORDSTR.M, H.-A.; KNAPE, A.,
eds.- Bronze age studies. Transactions of the british-scandinavian colloquium in Stockholm, may 10-11, 1985, Stockholm,p. 21-24.
LOHOF, E. (1994) - Tradition and change. Burial practices in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age in the north-eastern
Netherlands. Archaeological Dialogues. 1.2, p. 98-118.
RENFREW, A. C. (1973) - Monuments, mobilisation and social organisation in Neolithic Wessex. In RENFREW, A. C., ed.-The explanation of culture change. London: Duckworth, p. 539-558.
* University of Leiden, Faculty of Pre- and Protohistory. PObox 9515. NL-2300 RA, Leiden. The Netherlands.

Sunday, 5 April 2009

TERRAINS OF CONFLICT: APPROACHES TO WARFARE IN THE EUROPEAN PAST

Organisers: The ESTOC group: European Studies of Terrains of Conflict
Convenor: John Carman, Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity,
University of Birmingham, UK

Session abstract:
The ESTOC group – founded in March 2007 in Oudenaarde, Belgium – brings
together leading archaeologists, historians, architects and heritage professionals from
eight European countries to promote research into and the preservation of places of
conflict in the European past. Current members of the ESTOC group – and we seek
more from other parts of Europe – are representatives of the following
organisations: Åland Board of Antiquities, Finland — The Battlefields Trust, UK —
University of Birmingham, UK — University of Bradford, UK — Centre for
Battlefield Archaeology, University of Glasgow, UK — DIDPATRI, University of
Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain — Ename Center for Public Archaeology and Heritage
Interpretation, Belgium — HALBARDE (Histoire, Archéologie et Littérature des
Batailles de l'Artois sous le Règne De l'Espagne), France — University of Leeds, UK
— University of Osnabrück, Germany — Riksantikvarieämbetet, Sweden —
University College Cork, Ireland — Varusschlacht, Museum und Park Kalkriese,
Germany.
Taking advantage of the opportunity presented by the EAA meeting to
discuss issues of conflict at the location of momentous past military activity, this
session seeks to promote the work of conflict archaeologists by providing an
opportunity for researchers into past European conflict to present their work to the
European archaeological community. We accordingly seek contributions from
archaeologists – members and non-members of the ESTOC group alike – that
explore the wide range of archaeological work on human conflict, relating to
landscapes, artefacts and human remains from all periods, from prehistory to the
present.

Paper abstracts:
WARFARE BEYOND THE BATTLEFIELD: APPROACHES TO
EVIDENCE GATHERING
Julie Wileman, University of Winchester, UK

Archaeologists have looked for evidence of warfare in prehistory through studies of
fortifications, weaponry, skeletal trauma, iconography, and more rarely, within
settlements. This paper suggests that evidence of fighting is possibly least likely to be
found; fortifications, weaponry and other traditional sources of enquiry are often too
ambiguous in meaning to be particularly helpful.
It may be more useful to consider the phenomenon of warfare as a set of
human behaviours with causes, preparations, actions and effects that could be traced
in evidence of change in landscapes, trade, ritual behaviour and settlements.
Different types of evidence can be exploited to trace changes in social landscapes
which may have arisen because of hostilities, and the complexity of warfare, its
precipitating factors and results may become less obscure;
If, as some maintain, prehistoric warfare was an integral part of the
development of socio-political systems in the past, its archaeological identification
becomes an essential part of the understanding of the rise of cultures. A firmer base
for the identification of its occurrence and effects thus becomes an important focus
for the development of a more inclusive methodology.

PROTECTION IN ACTION: RITUAL ACTIVITIES CONNECTED WITH
DEFENCES IN THE IRON AGE NORTHERN IBERIA
Silvia Alfayé and Javier Rodríguez-Corral, Universidad del País Vasco/ Universidad de
Santiago de Compostela, Spain

Through a contextual lecture of the archaeological record, this paper offers an
approximation to the symbolic dimension of the spaces and structures which
delimitate the Iron Age settlements of Northern Iberia, pointing out the existence of
foundational and protective rituals dedicated to sacralise and strengthen the
prophylactic character of these areas of passage. We propose a revaluation from a
symbolic point of view of unusual findings spatially related to the gates and ramparts
of these settlements, such as vessels containing cremated humans remains, animal
votive pits, metallic deposits, singular constructed structures, or infant and adult
burials. Considering the archaeological data and the existence of coetaneous parallels
for these ritual practices, we state the accomplishment of collective magical-ritual
practices at and around the defences aimed to obtain the divine protection of the
settlement by the indigenous societies of the Iron Age Northern Iberia. Within these
prophylactic ritual activities we can include the intentional collocation of deer antlers
embedded in the walls, the accomplishment of animal sacrifice – and its later votive
deposit – the construction of heroa or public sacred places articulated around the
presence of human bones, the placing of images of the gods at the gates, the burial of
infants along the walls, and so on. Therefore, we propose to rethink the fortifications
also as ceremonial places in which the communities of the Iron Age Iberia celebrated
occasional or periodical rituals which contributed to protect the community through
the actualization of its relationship with the supernatural powers, and to reinforce its
internal cohesion and its social identity against the Other.

CONFLICTIVE EVIDENCE: WEAPONS AND SKELETONS IN THE
BRONZE AGE SOCIETIES FROM SOUTHEAST IBERIA
Gonzalo Aranda Jiménez, Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, Facultad de
Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Granada, Spain
Sandra Montón Subías, Departament d’Humanitats, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain
Sylvia Jiménez-Brobeil, Facultad de Medicina, Laboratorio de Antropología,
Universidad de Granada, Spain
Margarita Sánchez Romero, Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología, Facultad
de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Granada, Spain

Argaric culture (corresponding to local Bronze Age in southeast Iberia) has been
traditionally characterized by the increasing presence and eventual institutionalization
of violence and by the emergence of warriors. Different type of evidence has been
used to draw such a picture. Most significantly:
a) The location of settlements, usually built on the terraced slopes of steep
mountains and hills with natural defence systems and a wide territorial
control of the surrounding area.
b) The frequent presence of complex artificial defences: stone walls, towers,
bastions and stone enclosures protecting the highest points of the settlements.
c) The expansion of the Argaric settlements into new territories, interpreted in
terms of colonization and demographic increase.
d) The appearance, by first time in the Iberian Peninsula, of specialized weapons,
mainly swords and halberds, exclusively deposited as grave goods in male
tombs.
In relation to this issue, recent advances in paleoanthropological research have
thrown unexpected but extremely interesting conclusions. On the one hand,
skeletons show an absolute lack of sharp injuries. On the other hand, the only
detected traumatisms correspond to impressions or depressed fractures in the
outer deck of the cranial vault. According to their predominant situation on the
right-hand side of the frontal bone, to their size and their shape they seem to result
from deliberate aggression. By no means, however, could they had been produced by
sharp weapons such as swords and halberds. In this paper, we will propose a
hypothesis to explain this apparently contrasting evidence.

CONFLICT RESOLUTION: AN ALTERNATIVE TO WAR IN
HELLENISTIC CRETE
Amanda Kelly, National University of Ireland, Ireland

Crete was in a state of almost continuous warfare and hostility during the Hellenistic
period. Due to constant take-overs, territorial boundaries became fluid phenomena,
and naturally, this flux was reflected in the epigraphic corpus of inter-polis relations.
In east Crete the predominant sites of Hierapytna, Praisos and Itanos carved up the
majority of petty states between themselves, absorbing them into their city-state
hinterlands. This trinity survived until, probably as a result of the final withdrawal of
the Ptolemies in the 140s BC, Praisos was suddenly destroyed by Hierapytna.
Hierapytna replaced Praisos as the dominant power in eastern Crete with just one
abrupt campaign; however, in incorporating Praisos’ boundaries into its city-state,
Hierapytna came into direct conflict with its new neighbour, Itanos.
As a direct consequence of this manoeuvre, Rome was asked to arbitrate
over the resulting territorial disputes between Itanos and Hierapytna, as outlined in
the Toplu Inscription. In the Toplu arbitration the Hellenistic city-state of Itanos
makes ancient claims over the sovereignty of key territories, such as the sacred lands
associated with the temple of Diktaean Zeus. The verdict, favouring Itanos, implies
that ancient claims were recognised as valid by the legislative authorities abroad.
The outcome raises questions relating to the endorsement of ancient
territorial claims and how such constructed permanence was physically manifest.
Were ancient monuments, then visible within the Hellenistic landscape, harnessed to
create a traceable progressive development pertaining to state boundaries? In an
effort to affect a spatial continuum, did Itanos exploit her position within a
prehistoric archaeological landscape in the heartland of the ancient Eteocretans?
The scenario demonstrates the strength of legislative arbitration (often
conducted by a third and sometimes a fourth party) as the alternative to war and
illustrates the impact of a third party in maintaining a controlled peace.

MÄSTERBY 1361- THE FATAL SMALL-SCALE BATTLE THE DAYS
PRIOR TO THE BATTLE OUTSIDE VISBY TOWN WALL
Maria Lingström, Sweden

The Danish invasion of the island of Gotland in 1361 is well-known amongst
archaeologists, not least because of the Korsbetningen mass graves in Visby. What is
perhaps not commonly known is that a small-scale battle took place near the lake
Fjäle in Mästerby parish on central Gotland, the days prior to the battle outside
Visby Town Wall.
The 1361 battlefields of Gotland have not yet been investigated; the one at
the Danish landing site on the west coast of Gotland simply because the actual spot
is not known, and the battlefield in Visby since it is long gone due to exploitation.
Except for a minor metal detector survey, the Mästerby battlefield was until 2006
unexplored too.
With the wish to emphasize the battlefield as a source of knowledge to the
Danish invasion, the project group Mästerby 1361 was founded in 2005. The group
comprises the battlefield archaeology team of the Swedish National Heritage Board,
the local heritage association and the author of this paper. Hitherto four field
surveys have been conducted, and somewhat 60 objects with relation to the 1361
events have been localised.

TALAMANCA 1714: MOUNTAINOUS BATTLEFIELDS IN THE WAR
OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
Xavier Rubio, Universidad de Barcelona, Spain

The beginning of the XVIIIth century brought important changes in the nature of
European warfare.
Different factors changed the way conflicts were managed, limiting their
impact on the population in contrast with the previous century. Commanders based
their campaigns on the conquest of fortified places, although major engagements in
open terrain could be decisive, too. At a tactical level, technical evolution as well as
changes in drill and command led to the creation of lineal tactics, conducted by
regular regiments of infantry and cavalry.
This classical point of view is based upon the studies made on the northern
theatre of the war, where the allied troops, commanded by Marlborough, won
several engagements against the French army. In Spain the war developed on
different terms, as the number of fortresses was very limited, the terrain was rough,
and the armies were smaller.
This study will show the results of the archaeological excavation of
Talamanca battlefield, where more than 5.000 soldiers fought on a mountainous
terrain, without space neither for big cavalry charges nor lineal tactics. The results of
this analysis show that the importance of light infantryman would have been
underestimated, specially on the Spanish theatre of war.

WHITE WARSCAPES: TERRAINS OF CONFLICT IN THE ALPS
DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR
Franco Nicolis, Italy

Global warming is changing the alpine landscape. The retreating of the glaciers is a
climatic emergency, but is taking with it a cultural emergency. The melting of ice is
bringing to light evidence of the human presence at high altitudes from prehistory to
contemporary times. The icon of this phenomenon is Iceman, discovered in
September 1991 in Schnalstal. But a lot of other evidence is coming to light form the
Alps, first of all the remains of the highest battlefields in the world, fought during the
First World War, the so called “Guerra Bianca” (“White War”).
In this paper the role of archaeology and of the archaeological method in the
collection and the documentation of the evidence of the WWI in glacial
environments is highlighted, and a first case study is presented. During summer 2007,
the Archaeological Service of the Autonomous province of Trento, the Museums of
the War of Peio and Temù have carried out an archaeological excavation of a
campsite of the Austrian Army on the Piz Giumela (3593 m asl) on the massive of
Ortles-Cevedale. The site is not far from Punta San Matteo, where the highest battle
of the world has been fought (3678 m asl!).

MYTHOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE, LOCAL PATRIOTISM OR “THE
SHOW MUST GO ON”
Uroš Bavec, Slovenia

Medieval borough called Mokronog (German: Nassenfuss, it means “wet feet”) is
placed in the central Slovenia. Five kilometres from Mokronog in the hilly
surrounding landscape is a small village Trebelno with a little Romanesque church,
placed in the woods with charnel house and ruins of medieval castle. This area,
which has not been populated since last two hundred years and shows a very
atypically colonization, is of our research interest. We could follow the history of
colonization from the late Roman period (refugi), the early medieval time with slavic
settlement and castle till the late medieval time (?), when the Christian parish was
founded.
With this archaeological site is present also in our oral tradition, tales.
Especially some areas of the site became mythological and also some historical
persons find their place in the local historical legends. Only after the excavations it
came up that the site is placed on the border between two parishes, what caused
the conflicts between their inhabitants. At the beginning the nature of conflict was
showing as a kind of faith for prestige. We were astonished by the power of it, which
manifested in threats and in destroying the notice board at the site.
We find out that the origin of this conflict is very old. We as archaeologists
became trough the mechanisms of the pub gossiping a part of new mythology. Traces
of bloody violence between the inhabitants of these two parishes we find in the local
oral tradition, historical and eve epigraphic evidence. The continuity of conflicts
remains even between the Second World War and after it; it shows in different
political opinion of lads.

FROM WHITE BUSES TO RECREATION AREA: AN EXCAVATION OF
A POST-CONFLICT SITE IN GOTHENBURG, SWEDEN
Maria Persson, University of Gothenburg, Sweden.

In May 1945 thousands of survivors from German concentration camps came to
Gothenburg, Sweden with the famous rescue action “The white buses”. Many of the
refugees came to stay at the refugee camp “Skatås” which was in use 1945-1946.
When the camp was shut down in 1946 the area and the former refugee cabins were
sold to Gothenburg city and started to be used as a recreation area. Skatås is still
today known as a very popular place to jog, ski and enjoy nature, but the site is
totally unknown as a cultural heritage of the Second World War.
The aim of the project “From white buses to recreation area” was in a general
view to prove that the archaeological method can be used to address a variety of
important topics of interest in modern society, and in this case specifically in terms
of the Second World War, Sweden’s stance of policy to this War, the WW2 refugee
situation and how Swedes in 1945 society reacted to this.
During the excavation of the site in spring 2008 the memories of this site
came to life through the archaeological finds and the history of the site was retold.

THE IRISH BATTLEFIELDS PROJECT
Damian Shiels, Headland Archaeology, Ireland

In March 2008 work commenced on an ambitious project to map the locations of
the key battles in the Republic of Ireland. An expert advisory panel drew up an initial
list of some 130 sites to be examined ranging in date from the 8th to the 18th
centuries. The project was commissioned by the Department of the Environment,
Heritage & Local Government and is being undertaken by Headland Archaeology Ltd
and Eneclann Ltd.
The first phase of the project sees historical research take place in order to
identify locationary evidence relating to the sites. Subsequent to this, cartographic
and landscape analysis will be conducted in order to delineate key areas of the
battlefields and mark them on modern mapping. A report will be compiled on each
battle, with work due for completion in November 2008. This paper will outline the
scope of the project, as well as examining some of the methodologies being
employed and questions being asked, which go beyond simple delineation to explore
aspects such as archaeological potential, developmental pressures, future
management and memorialisation. The end result will lead to a vastly increased
knowledge of Irish battlefields, which in turn will hopefully assist in raising the profile
of some of these important engagements among the Irish public.

PUTTING PAST CONFLICT AT THE SERVICE OF THE NEW
EUROPE: THE ESTOC GROUP AND ITS AIMS
John Carman, University of Birmingham, UK

The emergence of the European Union has led to European states no longer making
war on each other. The long history of war in Europe, however, has had an
inevitable impact upon European identities: from the emergence of city-states in
Greece and Italy, through the rise of Athenian, Alexandrian and Roman Empires, to
medieval feudalism and the modern nation state. However, the new peace that
prevails has meant that in formulating a new sense of pan-European identity, past
wars are treated as matters best left untouched lest they revive old hostilities. The
emergence of Conflict Archaeology as a sub-discipline has also meant, however, a
renewed interest in past conflict among archaeologists in Europe. This has been
confirmed by the formation of the ESTOC group – European Studies of Terrains of
Conflict – which aims to promote the study of past conflict as a pan-European
project. Drawing upon the aims and objectives of the ESTOC group, this paper will
outline an approach to the archaeological study of conflict in Europe’s past that can
contribute to the creation of a sense of identity in Europe that owes nothing to
supra-nationalism, but meets the conditions of the era of pan-European concord.